ZYDOWSKA WDZIECZNOSC CZYLI "CZARNA NIEWDZIĘCZNOŚĆ"
Sendler Irena Mother of the Holocaust Children
ZYDOWSKA WDZIECZNOSC CZYLI "CZARNA NIEWDZIĘCZNOŚĆ"
Napisał St. Trzeciak
Friday, 25 July 2008
XXXI STR 223 Mesjanizm a Kwestia żydowska. ks. dr St. Trzeciak 1933r. Wydawnictwo Molauñ- Niemirowska 1/43 00-921 Wa-wa, Tel.22-659-0435
„Niech ludzkość cała wie i pamięta , żę żydostwo niemieckie, to typ ludzki najwyższej jakości” ....” Temu najwyższej klasy typowi odpłaca się teraz naród niemiecki czarną niewdzięcznością:W ten sposób „ Koło żydowskie „ w sejmie polskim w dniu 15 marca 1933 r. na swoim posiedzeniu występuje w obronie Żydów nimeickich uchwalając protest przeciwko okrucieństwom i męczęniom, na jakie wystawione jest żydostwo w Niemczech.
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Protest przeciwko prowadzonym negocjacjom w kwestii restytucji majątków żydowskich
Napisał Administrator
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Warszawa,30.06..2008
Pan Lech Kaczyński Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Pan Donlad Tusk Prezes Rady Ministrów Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej
Szanowny Panie Prezydencie! Szanowny Panie Premierze !
W nawiązaniu do Panów wizyty w Waszyngtonie i w Izraelu oraz ostatnich spotkań na polskiej ziemi z Ronaldem Lauderem pragniemy przekazać Protest przeciwko Waszym obietnicom rozwiązania problemu restytucji mienia pożydowskiego.
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Komisja Kongresu USA: niech Polska zwróci mienie
Napisał (bart)
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Komisja Spraw Zagranicznych Izby Reprezentantów Kongresu USA przegłosowała projekt rezolucji Izby, wzywającej Polskę do uchwalenia ustawy zapewniającej zwrot lub rekompensatę właścicielom mienia prywatnego zagrabionego przez Trzecią Rzeszę i rządy komunistyczne.
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ODSZKODOWANIA SPROWADZIC NA WLASCIWE TORY
Napisał Jerzy Skoryna
Friday, 25 July 2008
Nasz “Sprzymierzeniec,” z czasów II Wojny Swiatowej USA, wspólnie z Anglja i Rosja sowiecka w Jalcie i Poczdamie podpisalI, „stan prawny”, jaki mial rzadzic w Europie po wojnie. W tych traktatach BEZPRAWNIE Polsce skradziono wschodnie teryrorjum Pañstwa. Wepchnieto sila bagnetów sowieckich, w „zone wplywów sowieckich”, uznajac NIE POLSKA, lecz SOWIECKÁ administracje jako „Rzad Polski” - PRL.
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Granie Polską
Napisał Marek Lubinski
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Polska nie posiada rządu, który reprezentowałby i bronił interesów Narodu Polskiego i polskiej racji stanu. Polityka zagraniczna państwa polskiego, (gdyż o polskiej polityce zagranicznej mówić nie można wcale w sytuacji, kiedy kolejne rządy RP podejmują decyzje wbrew polskim interesom), prowadzona jest dla Polski tragicznie. Tak było w przypadku wciagania na siłę i za wszelką cenę naszego Kraju w struktury unijnego kołchozu i tak jest we wszystkich innych kwestiach istotnych dla przyszłości Polski.
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Order dla Kiszczaka
Napisał Piotr Jakucki
Monday, 21 July 2008
Skrót do: http://www.medianet.pl/~naszapol/MAIN/biezi.php Po skończonej rozprawie o spowodowania śmierci górników z kopalni "Wujek", zabitych przez ZOMO w grudniu 1981 r. po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego, gen. Czesław Kiszczak zaproponował dziennikarzom zaproszenie ich na wódkę i zakąskę. Miał prawo być usatysfakcjonowany. Po raz kolejny ten jeden z największych dyktatorów PRL wygrał z kulawym prawem tzw. III RP.
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Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Witold Pilecki was born May 13, 1901, in Olonets on the shores of Lake Ladoga in Karelia, Russia, where his family had been forcibly resettled by Tsarist Russian authorities after the suppression of Poland's January Uprising of 1863–1864. His grandfather, Józef Pilecki, had spent seven years in exile in Siberia for his part in the uprising. In 1910, Pilecki moved with his family to Wilno (now Vilnius, Lithuania), where he completed Commercial School and joined the secret ZHP Scouts organization. In 1916, he moved to Orel, Russia, where he founded a local ZHP group.[1]
During World War I, in 1918, Pilecki joined Polish self-defense units in the Wilno area, and, under General Władysław Wejtka, helped collect weapons and disarm retreating, demoralized German troops in what became the prelude to the Vilna offensive. He subsequently took part in the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Serving under Major Jerzy Dąbrowski, he commanded a ZHP Scout section. When his sector of the front was overrun by the Bolsheviks, his unit for a time conducted partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Pilecki later joined the regular Polish Army and fought in the Polish retreat from Kiev as part of a cavalry unit defending Grodno (in present-day Belarus). On August 5, 1920, he joined the 211th Uhlan Regiment and fought in the crucial Battle of Warsaw and at Rudniki Forest (Puszcza Rudnicka) and took part in the liberation of Wilno. He was twice awarded the Krzyż Walecznych (Cross of Valor) for gallantry.[1]
After the Polish-Soviet War ended in 1921 with the Peace of Riga, Pilecki passed his high-school graduation exams (matura) in Wilno and in 1926, was demobilized with the rank of cavalry ensign. In the interbellum, he worked on his family's farm in the village of Sukurcze.[1] On April 7, 1931, he married Maria Pilecka (1906 – February 6, 2002), née Ostrowska. They had two children, born in Wilno: Andrzej (January 16, 1932) and Zofia (March 14, 1933).
[edit] World War II breaks out
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, on August 26, 1939, Pilecki was mobilized and joined the 19th Polish Infantry Division of Army Prusy as a cavalry-platoon commander. His unit took part in heavy fighting in the Invasion of Poland against the advancing Germans and was partially destroyed. Pilecki's platoon withdrew southeast toward Lwów (now L'viv, in Ukraine) and the Romanian bridgehead and was incorporated into the recently formed 41st Infantry Division. During the September Campaign, Pilecki and his men destroyed seven German tanks and shot down two aircraft. On September 17, after the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Pilecki's division was disbanded and he returned to Warsaw with his commander, Major Jan Włodarkiewicz.[1]
On November 9, 1939, the two men founded the Secret Polish Army (Tajna Armia Polska, TAP), one of the first underground organizations in Poland. Pilecki became its organizational commander and expanded TAP to cover not only Warsaw but Siedlce, Radom, Lublin and other major cities of central Poland. By 1940, TAP had approximately 8,000 men (more than half of them armed), some 20 machine guns and several anti-tank rifles. Later, the organization was incorporated into the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and became the core of the Wachlarz unit.[1]
[edit] The Auschwitz campaign: 945 days
Street roundup in northern Warsaw's Żoliborz district, 1941In 1940, Pilecki presented to his superiors a plan to enter Germany's Auschwitz concentration camp at Oświęcim (the Polish name of the locality), gather intelligence on the camp from the inside, and organize inmate resistance. Until then, little had been known about the Germans' running of the camp, and it was thought to be an internment camp or large prison rather than a death camp. His superiors approved the plan and provided him a false identity card in the name of "Tomasz Serafiński." On September 19, 1940, he deliberately went out during a Warsaw street roundup (łapanka), and was caught by the Germans along with some 2,000 innocent civilians (among them, Władysław Bartoszewski). After two days of torture in Wehrmacht barracks, the survivors were sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki was tattooed on his forearm with the number 4859.[1]
Auschwitz concentration camp photos of Pilecki.At Auschwitz, while working in various kommandos and surviving pneumonia, Pilecki organized an underground Union of Military Organizations (Związek Organizacji Wojskowych, ZOW). ZOW's tasks were to improve inmate morale, provide news from outside, distribute extra food and clothing to members, set up intelligence networks, and train detachments to take over the camp in the event of a relief attack by the Home Army, arms airdrops, or an airborne landing by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, based in Britain.[1]
By 1941, ZOW had grown substantially. Members included the famous Polish sculptor Xawery Dunikowski and ski champion Bronisław Czech, and worked in the camp's SS administration office (Mrs. Rachwalowa, Capt. Rodziewicz, Mr. Olszowka, Mr. Jakubski, Mr. Miciukiewicz), the storage magazines (Mr. Czardybun) and the Sonderkommando, which burned human corpses (Mr. Szloma Dragon and Mr. Henryk Mendelbaum). The organization had its own underground court and supply lines to the outside. Thanks to civilians living nearby, the organization regularly received medical supplies.[1]
ZOW provided the Polish underground with priceless information on the camp. Many smaller underground organizations at Auschwitz eventually merged with ZOW. In the autumn of 1941, Colonel Jan Karcz was transferred to the newly-created Birkenau death camp, where he proceeded to organize ZOW structures. By spring of 1942, the organization had over 1,000 members, including women and people of other nationalities, at most of the sub-camps. The inmates constructed a radio receiver and hid it in the camp hospital.[1]
From October 1940, ZOW sent reports to Warsaw, and beginning March 1941, Pilecki's reports were being forwarded via the Polish resistance to the British government in London. These reports were a principal source of intelligence on Auschwitz for the Western Allies. Pilecki hoped that either the Allies would drop arms or troops into the camp, or the Home Army would organize an assault on it from outside. By 1943, however, he realized that no such plans existed. Meanwhile the Gestapo redoubled its efforts to ferret out ZOW members, succeeding in killing many of them. Pilecki decided to break out of the camp, with the hope of personally convincing Home Army leaders that a rescue attempt was a valid option. When he was assigned to a night shift at a camp bakery outside the fence, he and two comrades overpowered a guard, cut the phone line and escaped on the night of April 26–April 27, 1943, taking along documents stolen from the Germans. In the event of capture, they were prepared to swallow cyanide. After several days, with the help of local civilians, they contacted Home Army units. Pilecki submitted another detailed report on conditions at Auschwitz.[1]
[edit] Back outside Auschwitz: the Warsaw Uprising.
On August 25, 1943, Pilecki reached Warsaw and joined the Home Army's intelligence department. The Home Army, after losing several operatives in reconnoitering the vicinity of the camp, including the Cichociemny commando Stefan Jasieński, decided that it lacked sufficient strength to capture the camp without Allied help. Pilecki's detailed report (Raport Witolda—"Witold's Report") was sent to London. The British authorities refused the Home Army air support for an operation to help the inmates escape. An air raid was considered too risky, and Home Army reports on Nazi atrocities at Auschwitz were deemed to be gross exaggerations (Pilecki wrote: "During the first 3 years, at Auschwitz there perished 2 million people; in the next 2 years—3 million"). The Home Army in turn decided that it didn't have enough force to storm the camp by itself.[1]
Pilecki was soon promoted to cavalry captain (rotmistrz) and joined a secret anti-communist organization, NIE ("NO or NIEpodleglosc - independence"), formed as a secret organization within the Home Army with the goal of preparing resistance against a possible Soviet occupation.[1]
When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on August 1, 1944, Pilecki volunteered for the Kedyw's Chrobry II group. At first, he fought in the northern city center without revealing his actual rank, as a simple private. Later, he disclosed his true identity and accepted command of the 2nd Company, fighting in the Towarowa and Pańska Streets area. His forces held a fortified area called the "Great Bastion of Warsaw". It was one of the most outlying partisan redoubts and caused considerable difficulties for German supply lines. The bastion held for two weeks in the face of constant attacks by German infantry and armor. On the capitulation of the uprising, Pilecki hid some weapons in a private apartment and went into captivity. He spent the rest of the war in German prisoner-of-war camps at Łambinowice and Murnau.[1]
[edit] Soviet take over of Poland
After July 11, 1945, Pilecki joined the 2nd Polish Corps. He received orders to clandestinely transport a large sum of money to Soviet-occupied Poland, but the operation was called off. In September 1945, he was ordered by General Władysław Anders to return to Poland and gather intelligence to be sent to the Polish Government in Exile.[1]
He went back and proceeded to organize his intelligence network, while also writing a monograph on Auschwitz. In the spring of 1946, however, the Polish Government in Exile decided that the postwar political situation afforded no hope of Poland's liberation and ordered all partisans still in the forests either to return to their normal civilian lives or to escape to the West. Pilecki declined to leave, but proceeded to dismantle the partisan forces in eastern Poland. In April 1947, he began collecting evidence on Soviet atrocities and on the prosecution of Poles (mostly members of the Home Army and the 2nd Polish Corps) and their executions or imprisonment in Soviet gulags.[1]
Photos of Pilecki from Warsaw's Mokotow prison (1947).On May 8, 1947, he was arrested by the Polish security service (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa). Prior to trial, he was repeatedly tortured but revealed no sensitive information and sought to protect other prisoners. On March 3, 1948, a staged trial took place. Testimony against him was presented by a future Polish prime minister, Józef Cyrankiewicz, himself an Auschwitz survivor. Pilecki was accused of illegal crossing of the borders, use of forged documents, not enlisting with the military, carrying illegal arms, espionage for general Władysław Anders (head of the military of the Polish Government in Exile) and preparing an assassination on several officials from the Ministry of Public Security of Poland. Pilecki denied the assassination charges, as well as espionage (although he admitted to passing information to the II Polish Corps of whom he considered himself an officer and thus claimed that he was not breaking any laws); he pleaded guilty to the other charges. On May 15, with three of his comrades, he was sentenced to death. Ten days later, on May 25, 1948, he was executed at Warsaw's Mokotow Prison on ulica Rakowiecka (Rakowiecka Street)
Pilecki's conviction was part of a prosecution of Home Army members and others connected with the Polish Government in Exile in London. In 2003, the prosecutor and several others involved in the trial were charged with complicity in Pilecki's murder. Cyrankiewicz escaped similar proceedings, having died.[1]
After Poland regained its independence, Witold Pilecki and all others sentenced in the staged trial were rehabilitated on October 1, 1990. In 1995, he received posthumously the Order of Polonia Restituta.
His place of burial has never been found. He is thought to have been buried in a rubbish dump near Warsaw's Powązki Cemetery.
Until 1989, information on his exploits and fate was suppressed by the Polish communist regime.[1]
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Refleksje eurosceptyka (cz. III)
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
Monday, July 28, 2008
Monday, June 2, 2008
O nie podpisywanie umowy dotyczącej utworzenia Niemiecko-Polskiej fundacji na rzecz Nauki apeluje do premiera Donalda Tuska Powiernictwo Polskie
Sunday, June 1, 2008
Antypolonizm na swiecie i zaklamywanie historii Krakow Prof. Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz Audio 120min
Antypolonizm na swiecie i zaklamywanie historii Krakow Prof. Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz Audio 120min
Zaglada Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, 1945-1947
Zaglada Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, 1945-1947
By Aleksander Jan Gella. Warsaw. Agencja Wydawnicza CB. 1998. 236 pages. Illustrations, index.
Anna M. Cienciala
Aleksander Gella, b. Lwów 1922, is a former soldier of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army), a sociologist educated in Poland and teaching at SUNY, Buffalo, since 1970, and a senior associate fellow of St. Anthony's College, Oxford. He has many publications to his credit, the most recent ones focusing on the phenomenon of the intelligentsia in first world countries. He is the recipient of several awards for his work.[1] In the book under review, he writes about the anticommunist underground leaders, their aims and fate in the immediate post-World War II period. His declared aim is to make sure the last heroes of the Second Polish Republic will live with honor in the memory their countrymen. The book is useful because it contains many documents that the average interested Polish reader may find hard to find, but this is counterbalanced by the author's intemperate statements and judgments, and by his misinterpretations of history both within and outside his chosen period.
Gella is right in claiming that the destruction of the Polish Underground State still awaits a comprehensive study [2], though he acknowledges throughout the book some works and collections of documents published in the last few years. However, these publications do not diminish his anger against Polish postcommunist governments. His grievances against them are stated right at the outset. He faults them for not acknowledging the fact that the Second Republic did not end with the catastrophe of 1939. He blames the participants in the Roundtable talks between Solidarity and the communist government (February-April 1989) for ignoring this historical truth. In his view, this negligence put the talks on the same level as that represented by the Polish Workers' Party (PPR) established by the Soviets, Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), and Stalin. He then makes a suggestion that this omission was partly due to the desire, on the communist side in the talks, to exclude Polish emigrants and their children from playing too important a role in the Third Republic. In his view, the Roundtable winners should have honored some living representatives of the armed forces in the West, or the Home Army, or leaders of the Underground State, with at least symbolic posts in the new government. [3] At the end of the book, he claims that the government ignored the Congress of Polish Combatants held in Warsaw in 1992, while the combatants felt as if they were in a foreign city.[4] He also condemns the present Polish political elite, whom he sees not as members of the traditional Polish intelligentsia, which included the officer corps of the Home Army and the Polish armed forces in the West, but as the descendants of power hungry "Commandos" who later entered the structures of Solidarity. He condemns all these new leaders, also former "nomenclature cynics," for their embrace of "bandit capi talism," for the lack of de-communization, the chaos in social services, especially hospitals, and disregard for ecological rights. He also attacks the present Polish assumption that Poland is more secure than ever before in its history. To counter this view, he cites a memorandum titled "German Hegemony in Europe," allegedly submitted by a body called "The Council of Free Germany" to the United States government in November 1990, as proof of the German aim to retake Polish Pomerania (Pomorze) and Silesia. He does not explain how he secured this memorandum, nor what the U.S. government reaction was, if any. Finally, he claims that without rebuilding the "state ethos" of the Second Republic, Poland's chances of survival among the free nations are negligible, while the chances of her dissolution in a multilingual "Europe without fatherlands" are increasing all the time.[5]
To say that Gella's ideological views are strange is an understatement. He also interprets history to suit his purpose. He writes that "neither Polish propaganda, nor any Western source of information, nor any individual historian of World War II emphasizes the fact that without the Polish armed effort, the fate of Europe would have been total catastrophe."[6] It is true that Poland's isolated battle with Germany in September 1939 won time for her western allies, France and Britain, of which only the latter made good use by producing 600 fighter planes per month. But it is impossible to prove that if Poland had agreed to Hitler's demands, he would have succeeded in invading Britain in the fall of 1939, assuming of course the collapse of France in the same space of five weeks as in 1940. Another possibility would have been a Franco-British, or at least British peace with Hitler by recognizing his conquests, a peace that some members of the British Cabinet, particularly Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax, favored after the fall of France. Such a peace in either 1939 or 1940 might have led Hitler to attack the USSR. In sum, Poland's contribution to allied victory deserves much more recognition than is the case so far, but to claim that Poland saved Europe from catastrophe borders on megalomania.
Gella continues to distort history by saying that England owed her salvation above all to the fact that she succeeded in "persuading" Poland to (a) reject Hitler's offers of cooperation; (b) reject his territorial demands, and (c) accept British guarantees. [7] In reality, no Polish government could have accepted cooperation with Hitler along with his territorial demands without being overthrown. Also, both Józef Pilsudski and Józef Beck had been trying for years to secure British support for Poland, so Beck did not hesitate to accept the British offer to guarantee Polish independence. Furthermore, Beck could not secure a British guarantee of aid for Poland against any other country than Germany, because the British Cabinet deliberately excluded the USSR from the guarantee, keeping open the possibility of an Anglo-Soviet alliance against Hitler. Negotiations for such an alliance, including France, took place between early May and late August 1939, but Stalin chose to align with Nazi Germany. Therefore, Beck cannot be blamed for not securing a guarantee against both German and Soviet aggression. [8] Finally, as far as France is concerned, General Gamelin's decision not to launch an offensive against Germany in order to help Poland--as France was obligated to do by the military agreements of May 1939--was not motivated by the desire to save French strength when it was clear that Poland could not withstand the German onslaught. In fact, the French High Command never intended to launch such an offensive. As Gamelin admitted at the first meeting of the Supreme Allied War Council on September 12, he would not change his strategy even if the Poles held out for two or three months because he saw their role as winning time for the allies to prepare for the German attack in the West.[9]
Gella favors a conspiratorial theory of history in attributing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's policy toward Poland to the "communist penetration of America," especially by the Communist Party of the USA. He includes Secretary of State Cordell Hull (not ambassador as the author describes him), among American "liberal leftists and crypto-communists," and cites a map of the postwar world with explanatory text, as published in Philadelphia in 1942. It shows most of the globe in red. [10] He sees the United States and the Soviet Union as dividing the world in a "Vodka-Cola" deal. [11] In fact, Roosevelt's policy of writing off Eastern Europe was most likely motivated not by communist influence--although there were American spies in high places reporting to the USSR--but by his perception that this was needed to keep the Soviets in the war and to secure their later help against Japan. He was also confident of moderating Soviet policy in Eastern Europe through his powers of persuasion with Stalin and by having the USSR as a member of the United Nations, though he began to have doubts shortly before his death. [12] As for Truman, at first he tried to continue Roosevelt's policy of friendship with Moscow, but switched in March 1947 to a policy of containing the USSR known as the "Truman Doctrine," which heralded the beginning of the Cold War.
As far as repression in Poland is concerned, Gella cites Stefan Pelczynski's figures that 200,000 people were murdered by the NKVD and Red Army in 1944-45, and that some 400,000 were in prison in 1952.[13] The first figures may never be verified, but recently opened archives of the Ministry of Public Security (Ministerstwo Bezpieczenstwa Publicznego, or MBP) show the prison numbers were lower. Thus, on January 1, 1948, there were 26,400 political prisoners, and in mid-1950, they numbered 32,200. [14]
Gella's book, ostensibly dealing with the liquidation of the Polish Underground State, includes a chapter on the British government's dissolution of the Polish armed forces after the war. Chapter 6 is titled: "Pozbycie sie Polskich Sil Zbrojnych przez Brytyjski Rzad Jego Królewskiej Mosci" (How His Majesty's British Government Got Rid of the Polish Armed Forces). The author views the setting up of the "Polish Resettlement Corps" as another act of gross betrayal by Poland's ally Britain. However, it is difficult to see what else the British government could have done with the Polish soldiers who did not wish to return to Poland--which they were not forced to do. As it was, the soldiers who did not choose to emigrate elsewhere were housed, fed and trained for new jobs at British expense. Gella condemns general Wladyslaw Anders and other Polish generals for not opposing the PRC. He believes they should have kept the armed forces in one place and ordered them to mutiny, claiming this would have forced the British government to intern them, which in turn, would have been a means of Polish émigré pressure on the policies of the allies in the years 1945-47. He also thinks the mutiny could have been used by the British government as leverage to secure free elections in Poland.[15] Leaving aside the fact that most of the Polish soldiers in the PRC accepted their fate and thus were unlikely to mutiny, the author's speculation about British policy is not supported by any evidence whatever. There is an earlier study of the PRC, based on Foreign Office documents, which presents a more balanced picture of British policy and the problems it faced in dealing with Polish war veterans.[16]
The "state ethos" or patriotism of the Poles in the Second Republic was certainly admirable, and was expressed in the determination of the last resisters, most of whom were arrested and imprisoned by the Soviet-imposed post-World War II Polish government. Some were condemned to death in rigged trials and executed. Some of the leaders of one of the last underground organizations, WIN (Wolnosç i Niezawislosç, or Freedom and Independence), gathered documentary evidence on alleged Soviet plans to conquer the world and passed it on to the West, but it is doubtful that these reports had any impact on Western leaders. In any case, when arrested (possibly under torture), such WiN leaders as Col. Jan Rzepecki and Col. Jan Mazurkiewicz gave information about others to the U. B. (Security Office) and appealed for all resisters to reveal themselves and accept amnesty. [17] The fact is that most Poles were exhausted and pinned their hopes to the free elections promised in the Yalta agreements, expecting the victory of Stanislaw Mikolajczyk's Peasant Party, the largest political party in Poland after World War II. But the communists rigged the elections and Mikolajczyk fled the country, after which terror increased and lasted until 1955.
Gella claims that the traditional role of the Polish intelligentsia as leaders of society ended with the last resistance heroes of the Second Republic in 1947. He does not recognize the role of the Polish intelligentsia in the ranks of the Committee for the Defense of Workers (KOR) in 1976-81, in underground Solidarity and in the underground "civic society" in the years 1982-89.
Finally, one may ask whether the "state ethos" of the Second Republic can be recreated in today's Poland? This seems rather unlikely, unless Polish independence is threatened again. Indeed, this type of self-sacrificing patriotism can be expected of only a minority in any given society, and only in situations of extreme danger and duress which is not the situation in Poland today. In conclusion, the heroic resisters of 1945-47 should certainly be given their rightful place in Polish memory, but they deserve a more balanced advocacy than they receive in this book.
NOTES
1. See Gella's biography in Who's Who in Polish America, lst ed. (New York, 1996), 123-124.
2. Gella, 14.
3. Ibid., 11.
4. Ibid., 211.
5. Ibid., 213-220.
6. Ibid., p. 17, par. 3.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., 32. On British and French policy toward Poland in 1939, see Anna M. Cienciala, "Poland in British and French Policy in 1939: Determination to Fight or Avoid War?" Polish Review, 34:3 (1989), 199-226; or Cienciala, "Polska w polityce Wielkiej Brytanii w przededniu wybuchu II wojny swiatowej," Kwartalnik Historyczny, 47:1-2 (1990), 79-102.
9. Gella on Gamelin, p. 13; for Gamelin's statement of September 12, 1939, see Cienciala's articles above.
10. Gella, p. 23, 26, 27, and annex 1 for the map and text.
11. Gella, p. 47: the name is taken from a book by Ch. Levinson, ibid., note 19; see also p. 63.
12. A good general account and analysis of Roosevelt's foreign policy can be found in Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945 (New York: Oxford, 1979). See also Anna M. Cienciala, "Great Britain and Poland Before and After Yalta (1943-1945): A Reassessment," Polish Review, 40:3 (1995), 281-31; and William Larsh, "Yalta and the American Approach to Free Elections in Poland," ibid., 267-280.
13. Gella, p. 105 and note 11 ibid.
14. Figures cited by Andrzej Paczkowski, Pól wieku dziejów Polski 1939-1989 (Warsaw, 1995), 259. This work, written as a textbook, does not have notes, but the author was one of the first to read MBP archival documents.
15. Gella, 205-6.
16. See Keith Sword with Norman Davies and Jan Ciechanowski, The Formation of the Polish Community in Great Britain, 1939-50 (London, 1989), 245-55.
17. For a listing of various opposition groups, including WiN, and their fate, see Paczkowski, Pól Wieku, 177-81.
By Aleksander Jan Gella. Warsaw. Agencja Wydawnicza CB. 1998. 236 pages. Illustrations, index.
Anna M. Cienciala
Aleksander Gella, b. Lwów 1922, is a former soldier of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army), a sociologist educated in Poland and teaching at SUNY, Buffalo, since 1970, and a senior associate fellow of St. Anthony's College, Oxford. He has many publications to his credit, the most recent ones focusing on the phenomenon of the intelligentsia in first world countries. He is the recipient of several awards for his work.[1] In the book under review, he writes about the anticommunist underground leaders, their aims and fate in the immediate post-World War II period. His declared aim is to make sure the last heroes of the Second Polish Republic will live with honor in the memory their countrymen. The book is useful because it contains many documents that the average interested Polish reader may find hard to find, but this is counterbalanced by the author's intemperate statements and judgments, and by his misinterpretations of history both within and outside his chosen period.
Gella is right in claiming that the destruction of the Polish Underground State still awaits a comprehensive study [2], though he acknowledges throughout the book some works and collections of documents published in the last few years. However, these publications do not diminish his anger against Polish postcommunist governments. His grievances against them are stated right at the outset. He faults them for not acknowledging the fact that the Second Republic did not end with the catastrophe of 1939. He blames the participants in the Roundtable talks between Solidarity and the communist government (February-April 1989) for ignoring this historical truth. In his view, this negligence put the talks on the same level as that represented by the Polish Workers' Party (PPR) established by the Soviets, Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), and Stalin. He then makes a suggestion that this omission was partly due to the desire, on the communist side in the talks, to exclude Polish emigrants and their children from playing too important a role in the Third Republic. In his view, the Roundtable winners should have honored some living representatives of the armed forces in the West, or the Home Army, or leaders of the Underground State, with at least symbolic posts in the new government. [3] At the end of the book, he claims that the government ignored the Congress of Polish Combatants held in Warsaw in 1992, while the combatants felt as if they were in a foreign city.[4] He also condemns the present Polish political elite, whom he sees not as members of the traditional Polish intelligentsia, which included the officer corps of the Home Army and the Polish armed forces in the West, but as the descendants of power hungry "Commandos" who later entered the structures of Solidarity. He condemns all these new leaders, also former "nomenclature cynics," for their embrace of "bandit capi talism," for the lack of de-communization, the chaos in social services, especially hospitals, and disregard for ecological rights. He also attacks the present Polish assumption that Poland is more secure than ever before in its history. To counter this view, he cites a memorandum titled "German Hegemony in Europe," allegedly submitted by a body called "The Council of Free Germany" to the United States government in November 1990, as proof of the German aim to retake Polish Pomerania (Pomorze) and Silesia. He does not explain how he secured this memorandum, nor what the U.S. government reaction was, if any. Finally, he claims that without rebuilding the "state ethos" of the Second Republic, Poland's chances of survival among the free nations are negligible, while the chances of her dissolution in a multilingual "Europe without fatherlands" are increasing all the time.[5]
To say that Gella's ideological views are strange is an understatement. He also interprets history to suit his purpose. He writes that "neither Polish propaganda, nor any Western source of information, nor any individual historian of World War II emphasizes the fact that without the Polish armed effort, the fate of Europe would have been total catastrophe."[6] It is true that Poland's isolated battle with Germany in September 1939 won time for her western allies, France and Britain, of which only the latter made good use by producing 600 fighter planes per month. But it is impossible to prove that if Poland had agreed to Hitler's demands, he would have succeeded in invading Britain in the fall of 1939, assuming of course the collapse of France in the same space of five weeks as in 1940. Another possibility would have been a Franco-British, or at least British peace with Hitler by recognizing his conquests, a peace that some members of the British Cabinet, particularly Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax, favored after the fall of France. Such a peace in either 1939 or 1940 might have led Hitler to attack the USSR. In sum, Poland's contribution to allied victory deserves much more recognition than is the case so far, but to claim that Poland saved Europe from catastrophe borders on megalomania.
Gella continues to distort history by saying that England owed her salvation above all to the fact that she succeeded in "persuading" Poland to (a) reject Hitler's offers of cooperation; (b) reject his territorial demands, and (c) accept British guarantees. [7] In reality, no Polish government could have accepted cooperation with Hitler along with his territorial demands without being overthrown. Also, both Józef Pilsudski and Józef Beck had been trying for years to secure British support for Poland, so Beck did not hesitate to accept the British offer to guarantee Polish independence. Furthermore, Beck could not secure a British guarantee of aid for Poland against any other country than Germany, because the British Cabinet deliberately excluded the USSR from the guarantee, keeping open the possibility of an Anglo-Soviet alliance against Hitler. Negotiations for such an alliance, including France, took place between early May and late August 1939, but Stalin chose to align with Nazi Germany. Therefore, Beck cannot be blamed for not securing a guarantee against both German and Soviet aggression. [8] Finally, as far as France is concerned, General Gamelin's decision not to launch an offensive against Germany in order to help Poland--as France was obligated to do by the military agreements of May 1939--was not motivated by the desire to save French strength when it was clear that Poland could not withstand the German onslaught. In fact, the French High Command never intended to launch such an offensive. As Gamelin admitted at the first meeting of the Supreme Allied War Council on September 12, he would not change his strategy even if the Poles held out for two or three months because he saw their role as winning time for the allies to prepare for the German attack in the West.[9]
Gella favors a conspiratorial theory of history in attributing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's policy toward Poland to the "communist penetration of America," especially by the Communist Party of the USA. He includes Secretary of State Cordell Hull (not ambassador as the author describes him), among American "liberal leftists and crypto-communists," and cites a map of the postwar world with explanatory text, as published in Philadelphia in 1942. It shows most of the globe in red. [10] He sees the United States and the Soviet Union as dividing the world in a "Vodka-Cola" deal. [11] In fact, Roosevelt's policy of writing off Eastern Europe was most likely motivated not by communist influence--although there were American spies in high places reporting to the USSR--but by his perception that this was needed to keep the Soviets in the war and to secure their later help against Japan. He was also confident of moderating Soviet policy in Eastern Europe through his powers of persuasion with Stalin and by having the USSR as a member of the United Nations, though he began to have doubts shortly before his death. [12] As for Truman, at first he tried to continue Roosevelt's policy of friendship with Moscow, but switched in March 1947 to a policy of containing the USSR known as the "Truman Doctrine," which heralded the beginning of the Cold War.
As far as repression in Poland is concerned, Gella cites Stefan Pelczynski's figures that 200,000 people were murdered by the NKVD and Red Army in 1944-45, and that some 400,000 were in prison in 1952.[13] The first figures may never be verified, but recently opened archives of the Ministry of Public Security (Ministerstwo Bezpieczenstwa Publicznego, or MBP) show the prison numbers were lower. Thus, on January 1, 1948, there were 26,400 political prisoners, and in mid-1950, they numbered 32,200. [14]
Gella's book, ostensibly dealing with the liquidation of the Polish Underground State, includes a chapter on the British government's dissolution of the Polish armed forces after the war. Chapter 6 is titled: "Pozbycie sie Polskich Sil Zbrojnych przez Brytyjski Rzad Jego Królewskiej Mosci" (How His Majesty's British Government Got Rid of the Polish Armed Forces). The author views the setting up of the "Polish Resettlement Corps" as another act of gross betrayal by Poland's ally Britain. However, it is difficult to see what else the British government could have done with the Polish soldiers who did not wish to return to Poland--which they were not forced to do. As it was, the soldiers who did not choose to emigrate elsewhere were housed, fed and trained for new jobs at British expense. Gella condemns general Wladyslaw Anders and other Polish generals for not opposing the PRC. He believes they should have kept the armed forces in one place and ordered them to mutiny, claiming this would have forced the British government to intern them, which in turn, would have been a means of Polish émigré pressure on the policies of the allies in the years 1945-47. He also thinks the mutiny could have been used by the British government as leverage to secure free elections in Poland.[15] Leaving aside the fact that most of the Polish soldiers in the PRC accepted their fate and thus were unlikely to mutiny, the author's speculation about British policy is not supported by any evidence whatever. There is an earlier study of the PRC, based on Foreign Office documents, which presents a more balanced picture of British policy and the problems it faced in dealing with Polish war veterans.[16]
The "state ethos" or patriotism of the Poles in the Second Republic was certainly admirable, and was expressed in the determination of the last resisters, most of whom were arrested and imprisoned by the Soviet-imposed post-World War II Polish government. Some were condemned to death in rigged trials and executed. Some of the leaders of one of the last underground organizations, WIN (Wolnosç i Niezawislosç, or Freedom and Independence), gathered documentary evidence on alleged Soviet plans to conquer the world and passed it on to the West, but it is doubtful that these reports had any impact on Western leaders. In any case, when arrested (possibly under torture), such WiN leaders as Col. Jan Rzepecki and Col. Jan Mazurkiewicz gave information about others to the U. B. (Security Office) and appealed for all resisters to reveal themselves and accept amnesty. [17] The fact is that most Poles were exhausted and pinned their hopes to the free elections promised in the Yalta agreements, expecting the victory of Stanislaw Mikolajczyk's Peasant Party, the largest political party in Poland after World War II. But the communists rigged the elections and Mikolajczyk fled the country, after which terror increased and lasted until 1955.
Gella claims that the traditional role of the Polish intelligentsia as leaders of society ended with the last resistance heroes of the Second Republic in 1947. He does not recognize the role of the Polish intelligentsia in the ranks of the Committee for the Defense of Workers (KOR) in 1976-81, in underground Solidarity and in the underground "civic society" in the years 1982-89.
Finally, one may ask whether the "state ethos" of the Second Republic can be recreated in today's Poland? This seems rather unlikely, unless Polish independence is threatened again. Indeed, this type of self-sacrificing patriotism can be expected of only a minority in any given society, and only in situations of extreme danger and duress which is not the situation in Poland today. In conclusion, the heroic resisters of 1945-47 should certainly be given their rightful place in Polish memory, but they deserve a more balanced advocacy than they receive in this book.
NOTES
1. See Gella's biography in Who's Who in Polish America, lst ed. (New York, 1996), 123-124.
2. Gella, 14.
3. Ibid., 11.
4. Ibid., 211.
5. Ibid., 213-220.
6. Ibid., p. 17, par. 3.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid., 32. On British and French policy toward Poland in 1939, see Anna M. Cienciala, "Poland in British and French Policy in 1939: Determination to Fight or Avoid War?" Polish Review, 34:3 (1989), 199-226; or Cienciala, "Polska w polityce Wielkiej Brytanii w przededniu wybuchu II wojny swiatowej," Kwartalnik Historyczny, 47:1-2 (1990), 79-102.
9. Gella on Gamelin, p. 13; for Gamelin's statement of September 12, 1939, see Cienciala's articles above.
10. Gella, p. 23, 26, 27, and annex 1 for the map and text.
11. Gella, p. 47: the name is taken from a book by Ch. Levinson, ibid., note 19; see also p. 63.
12. A good general account and analysis of Roosevelt's foreign policy can be found in Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945 (New York: Oxford, 1979). See also Anna M. Cienciala, "Great Britain and Poland Before and After Yalta (1943-1945): A Reassessment," Polish Review, 40:3 (1995), 281-31; and William Larsh, "Yalta and the American Approach to Free Elections in Poland," ibid., 267-280.
13. Gella, p. 105 and note 11 ibid.
14. Figures cited by Andrzej Paczkowski, Pól wieku dziejów Polski 1939-1989 (Warsaw, 1995), 259. This work, written as a textbook, does not have notes, but the author was one of the first to read MBP archival documents.
15. Gella, 205-6.
16. See Keith Sword with Norman Davies and Jan Ciechanowski, The Formation of the Polish Community in Great Britain, 1939-50 (London, 1989), 245-55.
17. For a listing of various opposition groups, including WiN, and their fate, see Paczkowski, Pól Wieku, 177-81.
Saturday, May 31, 2008
Zaprzepaszczenie wielkiej szansy dla Polski prof. Ryszard Kozłowski
Zaprzepaszczenie wielkiej szansy dla Polski prof. Ryszard Kozłowski
słuchajzapisz
Geotermia Polska czy uzaleznienie od energii zagranicznej?
Fundusz ekologiczny czy polityczny?
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-05-30
Jeśli do 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z międzynarodowych zobowiązań odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych, to będziemy płacili potężną karę - rocznie ponad miliard euro
Unieważnienie przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej umowy z Fundacją "Lux Veritatis" dotyczącej inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może w przyszłości skutkować nałożeniem na Polskę kar w związku z niewypełnieniem minimalnego limitu energii pochodzącej ze źródeł odnawialnych - ostrzegają specjaliści od energii odnawialnej. Inni eksperci z kolei zauważają polityczny charakter tej decyzji. Listy protestacyjne w tej sprawie wystosowała grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, kierując je do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii.
W przekonaniu prof. dr. hab. Ryszarda Kozłowskiego z Instytutu Inżynierii Materiałowej Politechniki Krakowskiej, decyzja Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dotycząca inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może spowodować, że nasz kraj nie wypełni zobowiązań międzynarodowych. - W 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z zobowiązania międzynarodowego odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych. Jak obliczyli Niemcy, będziemy płacili karę 70 euro za megawatogodzinę w stosunku do mocy brakującej. Ponieważ prawdopodobnie będzie nam brakowało 5 proc. z 34 tys. megawatów energii elektrycznej, którą Polska dysponuje, to w skali roku zapłacimy karę w wysokości ponad 1 mld euro (1705 proc. naszego przyszłego niedoboru energii odnawialnej pomnożone przez 70 euro, 365 dni i 24 godziny) - alarmuje profesor Kozłowski. - Dziwne, ale rząd tym się nie przejmuje. Woli zapłacić karę, niż uruchomić najtańszą produkcję energii. Bo w Europie jest ona właśnie najtańszą energią - dodaje profesor.
Profesor Kozłowski jest zbulwersowany decyzją Funduszu, która kłóci się z przedwyborczymi obietnicami premiera Donalda Tuska. - Premier Tusk podczas kampanii wyborczej obiecywał Polakom będącym na emigracji, że będą mogli wrócić do kraju. My właśnie uważamy, że przy takim jednym centrum geoenergetycznym może powstać kilkaset miejsc pracy. Jeżeli premier Tusk pozbywa się takiej możliwości - jest to dla nas zupełnie niezrozumiałe - dodaje naukowiec.
W związku z wypowiedzeniem umowy Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" na realizację inwestycji geotermalnej dla Torunia grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Urszula Krupa, Witold Tomczak, Bogdan Pęk, Bogusław Rogalski, Andrzej Zapałowski) oraz poseł Anna Sobecka przesłała listy protestacyjne do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii. Zwracając się do Jana Rączki, prezesa Funduszu, z apelem o uczciwą analizę sprawy i podjęcie działań uchylających "wybitnie szkodliwą i krótkowzroczną" decyzję, sygnatariusze pisma zaznaczają: "(...) decyzja podjęta przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dziwi także ze względu na to, jak wskazują sami urzędnicy, że nie wykorzystuje się wszystkich pieniędzy, które miały być wydatkowane na odnawialne źródła energii, w tym na geotermię, co więcej, nie ma chętnych, by realizować geotermię w naszym kraju, a decyzja była sprawdzana pod względem merytorycznym, formalnym i celowościowym. Jeszcze w styczniu wyniki kontroli Ministerstwa Środowiska w Narodowym Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej wykazały, że nie ma żadnych przeszkód, by Fundacja 'Lux Veritatis' mogła realizować przedsięwzięcie".
Poza nie merytoryczną decyzją NFOŚiGW, niezrozumiałą z punktu widzenia ekonomicznego, dochodzą podejrzenia o celowe działania mające dyskryminować społeczność katolicką w Polsce. Profesor dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński, kierownik Katedry Filozofii Kultury Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, uważa - podobnie jak zarząd Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" - że decyzja Funduszu to realizacja przedwyborczych zapowiedzi premiera Donalda Tuska. - Tak, ten jegomość, gdy chodzi o konstruktywne obietnice przedwyborcze, to jak widać gołym okiem, żartował, natomiast jeśli chodzi o zapowiedzi destruktywne, to robi to poważnie. Podstawy jego programu działania politycznego sprowadzają się do niszczenia katolicyzmu w Polsce. Dlatego dostał tak potężne wsparcie antykatolickich mediów - zaznacza.
Komu przeszkadza geotermia
Również minister ochrony środowiska w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, a obecnie poseł Prawa i Sprawiedliwości prof. Jan Szyszko nie może doszukać się merytorycznych podstaw dla decyzji Funduszu. - Dziwne jest to, że obecny rząd, dyskutując o tzw. pakiecie energetycznym, zobowiązuje się do tego, aby 20 proc. energii pochodziło z odnawialnych źródeł i jednocześnie nie robi nic ku temu, aby wykorzystać polskie szanse w tym kierunku. Muszę powiedzieć, że jestem zbulwersowany decyzją NFOŚiGW, gdyż geotermia w Polsce zawsze była blokowana - zauważa profesor, gość środowego programu "Polski punkt widzenia" w Telewizji Trwam. - Ona była blokowana - tak przypuszczam - przez tych, którzy uważają, że geotermia zawsze może być bardzo konkurencyjna w stosunku do innych źródeł energii - dodaje Jan Szyszko.
Zdziwienia decyzją NFOŚiGW nie kryje Kazimierz Kujda, były prezes zarządu Funduszu. Zwraca uwagę na staranne spełnienie przez Fundację wszystkich warunków niezbędnych do zawarcia umowy. - Zachowaliśmy staranność wyjątkową. Wszystkie procedury, jakie obowiązywały w NFOŚiGW, zostały zachowane - stwierdza. Zdaniem Kujdy, zastosowanie tak rygorystycznych procedur, które stosuje się tylko w odniesieniu do środków unijnych, to efekt nieprzychylnej dla inwestycji kampanii medialnej. Warto przypomnieć, że wszystkie warunki zostały przez Fundację "Lux Veritatis" spełnione.
W opinii o. Jana Króla CSsR, którą wyraził w "Polskim punkcie widzenia", decyzja Funduszu o unieważnieniu umowy ma charakter polityczny. Przypomniał on wcześniejsze rzucanie kłód pod nogi tej inwestycji, zgodne zresztą z zapowiedziami premiera Donalda Tuska.
Platforma chciała wykorzystać zmianę prowincjała Warszawskiej Prowincji Redemptorystów i już trzeciego dnia po objęciu przez o. Ryszarda Bożka funkcji prowincjała, w niedzielę, przyjechali do Tuchowa prezes i wiceprezes Funduszu. Najwyraźniej liczono na to, że nowy prowincjał nie zdążył się jeszcze zapoznać ze szczegółami inwestycji i będzie można wykorzystać tę sytuację. Plan spalił na panewce - stąd wtorkowe wypowiedzenie umowy. - Jak urząd prowincjała redemptorystów objął o. Ryszard Bożek, otrzymuje on telefon z Warszawy od nowego już pana prezesa NFOŚiGW z prośbą o spotkanie. Oczywiście ojciec jeszcze kilka dni jest wtedy w Tuchowie, trzysta parę kilometrów od Warszawy, i ja dopiero teraz się zastanawiam, jak to się dzieje, że pan prezes i pani wiceprezes jadą tam, te trzysta kilometrów w niedzielę - nie w dniu pracy. Oczywiście ja nie chcę dziś jeszcze mówić o tym, czego dotyczyła rozmowa, myślę, że przyjdzie na to czas - podsumował o. Jan Król.
Jacek Dytkowski
Posted by Alex Bajan at 9:22 AM 0 comments
Thursday, May 29, 2008
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
Rabin kontra prof. Nowak
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now
Poland's geographical location has made it easy for aggressive peoples and countries to invade it and try to make of Poles a countryless nation. These invasions have cost Poland trillions of dollars in damage. Between 1939-1989 Poland was in the grip of two colonial powers: Nazi Germany in the Second World War, and the Soviet Union during and after the war. Poles are proud to have resisted both invasions, and this amply-documented resistance gives them the right to self-esteem and national pride. However, those who value only power are not impressed, especially because Poles have failed to create a discourse in English that would counter so many mendacious or simply ignorant books and opinions circulating in America. Edward Said had a word for it: orientalism, or interpreting a people without including that people's input in the interpretation. We would like to state that while orientalism has somewhat retreated with regard to third world countries, it is alive and well concerning Poland. And we repeat, Poles have not done well in countering orientalism by having their own voices heard and available in languages other than Polish.
The years 1939-1989 cost two generations of Poles dearly. The country's infrastructure, education, health, and life itself suffered in ways that have not been articulated in American scholarship. Now, sixty years after the war ended, the descendants of some of the invaders cast a wistful glance eastward and point out that the invaders have suffered also! As Prime Minister Kaczyski states in the interview, since 1945 consecutive Warsaw governments tacitly consented to any interpretation of what happened in the twentieth century as long as such interpretations brought short-term gains for themselves. The net result is that Poles have been taken unaware by the recent rise in Germany of an unbelievable discourse--directed at Poland--that demands satisfaction for those Germans who lost their property in territories taken away after World War II. No one has heard of Germans suing the Russians in the Strasbourg court, only the Poles. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war? (From The Chesterton Review, Spring/Summer 2007).
Note: The Sarmatian Review is a scholarly journal on the history, culture and society of Central and Eastern Europe, with strong attention to Poland. It is published, in English, in Texas. Information is available on the web.
Editorial Note: Recently, a Jewish group has demanded that Poland pay compensation for the property lost by Polish Jews during the Second World War. Apparently they are counting on the billions of dollars for equalization flowing to Poland from the European Community. This would be a most obscene demand.
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 1/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 2/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 3/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 4/4
Jerzy Robert Nowak Roszczenia zydowskie Trwam 24.02.200
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 1/2
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 2/2
Posted by Alex Bajan at 7:10 PM 0 comments
Hiroshima - Sandra
Hiroshima - Sandra
Posted by Alex Bajan at 8:42 AM 0 comments
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Historia swa
Posted by Alex Bajan at 1:04 PM 0 comments
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Eve of the Battle
Before the war the area of the village of Wizna was prepared as a fortified line of defence. It was to shield the Polish positions further to the south and guard the crossing of Narew and Biebrza rivers. The 9 kilometres long line of Polish defences was subordinate to the Polish Narew Corps shielding Łomża and providing defence of northern approach to Warsaw. The Wizna fortified area was one of the most important nodes in the area, providing cover of both the river crossings, and the roads Łomża-Białystok and roads towards Brześć Litewski on the rear of Polish forces.
The first construction works were started in April 1939. The spot was chosen carefully: most of the concrete bunkers were built on hills overlooking a swampy Narew River valley. They could be reached either through direct assault through the swamps or by attack along the causeway leading from the bridge in Wizna. Until September 1, 1939, 12 bunkers were built altogether. Six of them were heavy concrete bunkers with reinforced steel cupolas (8 tons of weight) while the other six were machine gun pillboxes. Additional four heavy bunkers were under construction at the moment the World War II started. In addition, the area was reinforced with trenches, anti-tank and anti-personnel obstacles, barbed wire lines and landmines. There were also plans of breaking the dams on the Biebrza and Narew rivers to flood the area, but the Summer of 1939 was one of the most dry seasons in Polish history and the level of water was too low.
Although not all bunkers were ready by the beginning of the war, the Polish lines of defences were well-prepared. The walls of an average bunker, 1.5 metres thick and reinforced with 20-centimetre-thick steel plates, could withstand a direct hit from even the heaviest guns available to the Wehrmacht at the time. The bunkers were situated on hills which gave good visibility of all the advancing forces.
[edit] First phase
On September 1, 1939, the Polish Defensive War of 1939 started. The German 3rd Army was to advance from East Prussia towards Warsaw, directly through the positions of Polish Narew Corps. On September 2 Captain Władysław Raginis was named the commander of the Wizna area. As his command post he chose the "GG-126" bunker near the village of Góra Strękowa. The bunker was located on a hill in the exact centre of the Polish lines. His forces numbered approximately 700 soldiers and NCOs and 20 officers armed with 6 pieces of artillery (76mm), 24 HMGs, 18 machine guns and two Kb ppanc wz.35 anti-tank carbines.
After initial clashes at the border, the Podlaska Cavalry Brigade operating in the area was forced to withdraw and on September 5 left the area. On September 3 Polish positions were spotted from the air and strafed with machine gun fire from enemy fighters. Later that day one of the German bombers returning from a bombing raid over Warsaw was shot down by machine gun fire.
On September 7, 1939, the reconnaissance units of the 10th Panzer Division of general Nicolaus von Falkenhorst captured the village of Wizna. Polish mounted reconnaissance squads abandoned the village after a short fight and retreated to the southern bank of Narew. When the German tanks tried to cross the bridge, it was blown up by Polish engineers. After dark, patrols of German infantry crossed the river and advanced towards Giełczyn, but were repelled with heavy casualties.
On September 8 general Heinz Guderian, commander of the XIX Panzer Corps, was ordered to advance through Wizna towards Brześć. By early morning of September 9 his units reached the Wizna area and were joined with 10th Panzer Division and "Lötzen" Brigade already present in the area. His forces numbered some 1 200 officers and 41 000 soldiers and NCOs, equipped with over 350 tanks, 108 howitzers, 58 pieces of artillery, 195 anti-tank guns, 108 mortars, 188 grenade launchers, 288 heavy machine guns and 689 machine guns. Altogether, his forces were some 40 times stronger than the Polish defenders.
Second Phase
In the early morning German planes dropped leaflets asking the Poles to give up and claiming that most of Poland is already in German hands and further resistance is futile. In order to strengthen the morale of his troops, Władysław Raginis swore that he will not leave his post alive and that the defence will continue. Soon after that an artillery barrage started. Polish artillery was several times weaker and soon was forced to retreat towards Białystok. After the preparations, the Germans attacked the northern flank of the Polish forces. Two platoons defending several bunkers located to the north of Narew were attacked from three sides by German tanks and infantry. Initially the losses among German infantry were high, but after heavy artillery fire commander of the Giełczyn area First Lieutenant Kiewlicz was ordered to burn the wooden bridge over Narew and withdraw to Białystok. The remnants of his forces broke through German encirclement and reached Białystok, where they joined the forces of general Franciszek Kleeberg.
At the same time an assault on the southern part of Polish fortifications came to a stalemate. Polish bunkers were lacking adequate anti-tank armament, but were able to rain the German infantry with machine gun fire. However, at 6 o'clock in the evening the infantry was forced to abandon the trenches and field fortifications and retreat into the bunkers. The German tanks could finally cross the Polish lines and advance towards Tykocin and Zambrów. However, the German infantry was still under heavy fire and was pinned down in the swampy fields in front of Polish bunkers.
Although Raginis was subordinate to Lt.Col. Tadeusz Tabaczyński, commander of the Osowiec fortified area located some 30 kilometres to the north, he could not expect any reinforcements. On September 8 Marshal of Poland Edward Śmigły-Rydz ordered the 135th Infantry Regiment that constituted the reserves of both Osowiec and Wizna, to be withdrawn to Warsaw. When the order was withdrawn and the unit returned to Osowiec, it was already too late to help the isolated Poles at Wizna.
Heavy fights for each of the—now isolated—bunkers continued. Several assaults were repelled during the night and in the early morning of September 10. At approximately 12 o'clock the German engineers with the help of tanks and artillery finally managed to destroy all but two Polish bunkers. Both of them were located in the centre of Góra Strękowa and continued the defence despite having much of the crew wounded or incapacitated and most of the machine guns destroyed. It is alleged that Heinz Guderian, in an attempt to end the Polish resistance, threatened the Polish commander that he would shoot the POWs if the remaining forces did not surrender. (No captives were shot.) Captain Władysław Raginis then ordered his men to abandon the bunker and committed suicide by throwing himself on a grenade.
After the Battle
After the Polish resistance ended, the XIX Panzer Corps advanced towards Zambrów and Wysokie Mazowieckie finally encircling and destroying the Polish Narew Corps. Later it advanced further southwards and took part in the Battle of Brześć.
Although all the bunkers were destroyed and the Polish resistance was finally broken, the fortified area of Wizna managed to halt the German advance for three days. The heroic struggle against overwhelming odds is nowadays one of the symbols of the Polish Defensive War of 1939 and is a part of Polish popular culture.
Polska moja ojczyzna
Posted by Alex Bajan at 11:38 AM 0 comments
Monday, May 26, 2008
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
By ERIC MARGOLIS
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The Republican attack machine went after Democratic presidential front-runner Barack Obama last week, and it was not a pretty sight.
After Obama sensibly proposed direct negotiations with Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, and described any potential danger from Iran as "tiny," Republican candidate John McCain accused him of being reckless and inexperienced.
"The threat the government of Iran poses is anything but tiny," thundered McCain -- the same "experienced" McCain who mistakenly claimed Iran was supporting Sunni fighters in Iraq.
President George W. Bush echoed McCain's accusations during a speech to Israel's Knesset last week, an oration so fulsome and simplistic, many worldly Israeli legislators were left looking embarrassed.
Bush insinuated Obama was a dangerous pre-Second World War type "appeaser" for daring suggest talking to Iran. Neocons blasted Obama as unpatriotic for not wearing an American flag pin and hinted he was a closet Muslim. Obama was so flummoxed by these violent attacks, he foolishly flip-flopped and agreed Iran was indeed a grave threat.
All this came as the danger of a U.S./Israeli attack on Iran to preserve Israel's Mideast nuclear monopoly was growing. Israel's PM Ehud Olmert called for a U.S. naval blockade of Iran, an open act of war.
GOERING
If the Second World War must be dredged up, a more appropriate reference would be Nazi Hermann Goering's famous formula for fascism: "All you have to do is to tell them (the people) they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
McCain is an able, savvy domestic politician, but his absurd claims about Iran bring into question his understanding of foreign policy.
Iran has no long-range missiles, nuclear weapons or bombers. Its decrepit air force barely flies. Iran's so-called navy is a lightly armed coast guard.
Its ground forces are immobile and lack all forms of modern weapons. Tehran's defence budget is the size of Poland's or Norway's, and 100 times smaller than U.S. military spending.
It's the great Iraq scare all over. Republicans again are playing to the least-educated Americans by frightening them with fairy tales and outright lies. Iranian mad mullahs determined to shower A-bombs on Memphis and Dubuque have replaced Saddam and his Drones of Death. Should the U.S. talk to enemies? Of course. Diplomacy is one of three primary tools of statecraft along with military and economic power. Only arrant fools do not make use of it.
Just because the Bush administration largely relied on military power in foreign policy does not mean this Soviet-style approach need continue.
To whom does one negotiate if not with one's enemies and rivals? Besides, war is waged to attain diplomatic objectives, not win military victories. The greatest threat to world peace is not pipsqueaks such as Iran, Cuba or, even more laughably, Venezuela. It is the breakdown of normal diplomatic relations.
As Democrats rightly noted, the U.S. fruitfully negotiated with the Soviet Union and China when both powers threatened America with nuclear destruction.
The Bush administration has been making progress in nuclear talks with "pariah" North Korea.
SENSIBLE NATIONS
All sensible nations talk, either through normal or back door channels. Israel kept in touch with Iran after its revolution, secretly sold Tehran $5 billion of arms, and still maintains links today. Israel also has discreet links to Hamas and Hezbollah through third parties such as Egypt. Israel and old foe Syria just announced talks.
McCain should be reminded that hysteria is not a viable foreign policy, even if it is election silly season.
He is wrong to keep promoting the image of America as a spinster atop a chair, screaming in fear of a Muslim mouse called Iran. This is unworthy of the great United States.
If anyone is being reckless and inexperienced in foreign affairs, so far it's McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
Posted by Alex Bajan at 7:50 AM 0 comments
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About Me
Lech Alex Bajan
Lech Alex Bajan Przewodniczacy MlodzieZy w Lubelskim 1985-86 ktory otwarcie przeciwstawil sie Doktrynie Komunistycznej 1985 roku.sierpnia 1987 roku w USA. Zalozyciel RAQport. Aktywny, skontaktowany politycznych i biznesowych w USA szczegolnia w Washington DC. Niezalezny, nieskorumpowany, czysty w EPN, polski patriota – myslacy w kategoriach co dobrze dla Polski i Polakow w kraju i zagranica. Matka nauczyciel emerytowany w Krasniku. Ojciec SW. pamieci zmarl 1989 roku – poeta spraw Solidarnosci i wolnosci polski, dlugoletni pracownik Fabryki Lozysk Tocznych ( FLT ) Krasnik - Mieczyslaw Bajan Brat : Marek Bajan 3 krotny mistrz Polski w Piecioboju Nowoczesnym, olimpijczyk z Moskwy, trener w Berlinie. Wojek Kazimierz Kowal zaslozony dla Armi Krajowej na Lubeszczyznie Szczegolna zasloga za adbicie polskich dziewczat-kobiet z Powstania Warszawskiego wiezionych w okolicach Janowa kolo Lublina 1946 roku przez sowieckie NKWD. Zamordowany w 1947 roku przez sowieckich oprawcow. Kuzyn Jerzy Bajan (ur. 4 maja 1901, zm. 27 czerwca 1967), polski pilot myśliwski i pułkownik. Bajan odniósł w tym Challenge'u de France 1936 wielkie zwycięstwo.
View my complete profile
'SOMETIMES WE HAVE THE WIND AT OUR BACKS,
AND SOMETIMES IN OUR FACES
Interview with Prof. Ryszard Kozlowski,
Director of the Institute of Natural Fibres (INF) in Poznan, Poland
The latest world development in use and production of small particles of the nanometer size created new possibilities for the fire retardancy research.
Application of modifiers in form of so called "nano-particles" in intumescent systems improves the fire retardancy and thermal insulation effectiveness of the system. The high dispersion of particles has the influence on the decomposition of intumescent systems and on the combustion process. Therefore the structure and thermal resistance of formed carbon layer are improved.
The INF has developed a new, effective intumescent system in form of a transparent wood and wood derivates coating which contain silicon compound in "nano" scale.
Effectiveness of this intumescent system in of wood and the influence of the dispersion degree of introduced silicon compound will be presented. Parameters determined with cone calorimeter tests such as time to sustained ignition, heat release rate, mass loss rate and others, will be discussed in the paper.
Keywords: intumescent system, nano particles, fire retardant, fireproofing efficiency
How did your career develop?
I graduated in Applied Chemistry at the University of Poznan in 1961. Subsequently I went to INF, where I worked up to now with only short breaks. My Ph.D. work, from 1970 to 1972, was aimed at the biochemistry of retting of flax and hemp, and the effects of added nutrients, like urea, on the processes. As head of the INF department for waste and by-products, partly during a fellowship in Finland, I focused on the development of fire-, fungi- and water resistant particle board made from flax residues and hemp woody core. In 1987, I was promoted to be General Director of INF and in 1990 awarded the degree of Professor of Technical Science at Poznan University.
What are your international functions on the fibre scene?
I am Coordinator of the FAO flax network. This network consists of five subgroups focusing on the subjects: breeding and agriculture; harvesting and processing; quality; non-textile applications and marketing. We try to connect people from all over the world working with flax, linseed and also hemp by organizing symposia and by publishing proceedings and a newsletter. The next general meeting is in 1996 in Rouen, France. Maybe we could arrange the one after that in the Netherlands in collaboration with IHA. Further, I am a country member of the council of the World Textile Institute in Manchester, UK.
When was INF established, what is its size and some of its research interests?
The INF was founded under a different name in 1930 in Vilna, the present Vilnius, in Lithuania. After the war, the institute continued in Poznan. Besides flax and hemp, we do research on the protein fibres, silk and wool. At present, sixty-three employees work in seven laboratories, on seven experimental farms in different climatic regions and in an experimental retting mill. We have activities in the field of biotechnology, breeding, agronomy, spinning technology, environmental protection, marketing, technical information and normalization and standardization.
Due to strongly reduced funding levels by the government, we were also forced to start commercial activities to keep the INF running. That's why we have a marketing group of six persons to promote our products. We really need to earn money to invest in new equipment.
This year, we are testing an improved hemp harvester which was developed at the INF. We expect it to be better than the Russian machinery which is standard at the moment.
In the retting mill, we investigate alternatives to the traditional dew retting system, such as enzymatic degumming and mechanical green straw processing. An important project, ordered by the Polish government, is to find out if non-food crops like hemp and flax can be applied for the cleaning of soils contaminated with cadmium and copper. Up to 1000 ha of hemp is presently grown for this purpose in S.W. Poland (Silesia) in an area with copper mines.
Don't you only spread the pollution more diffusely with such an approach?
No, the metals are specificly accumulated in the seed flour fraction. The cellulose of the stems can safely be used for pulping. The seed oil is also clean, it's mainly applied in paint production. The metals can be extracted by leaching the seed cake with hydrochloric or other acid solutions.
How is the situation of the Polish hemp industry?
Until the 1960s, there was quite a large Polish hemp industry, with four retting mills. Hemp fibres were mainly used for manufacturing ropes and fabrics for military use. Hemp was even of strategic importance. We had yearly 20,000 to 30,000 ha.growing. A factory had an annual production of 18000 m 3 of particle board, partly made from hemp woody core. Unfortunately, this factory was closed in 1975. After the changes in Russia, our export of military textiles completely collapsed. At present, there are two hemp processing factories left. They make fibre board and still some military fabrics (tents, shoes). Hemp is a marginal crop at the moment. Besides the area in polluted regions, there is another 2000 ha in S.E. Poland.
Are there, apart from the INF, other Polish institutes or companies involved in any aspect of Cannabis research?
No, no, no. In some botanic gardens and at universities they may have some plants, but they have obtained the seeds from us and it's only for demonstration, not research.
What is the goal of present hemp breeding at the INF? Can new cultivars be expected in the near future?
Ever since the institute was established, hemp breeding has never been interrupted, although we have had pressure to abandon this work entirely. I remember a congress in the 1960s where representatives of the industry said that there was no longer need for hemp with a fine textile quality. They wanted high yielding crops with coarse fibres for rope and technical fabrics. We changed our breeding completely to this direction, which resulted in the present two monoecious cultivars, Bialobrzeskie and Beniko. Current breeding is aimed at fine textile quality again, in combination with an acceptable productivity and a very low THC content. Within two or three years, we expect to release a new textile cultivar which is partly based on a Silezian landrace. For better textile quality, however, cultivation methods should also be altered, using higher plant densities and less fertilizer.
At the last World Textile Congress in Yokohama, there was an idea presented to modify the biosynthesis of cellulose in order to improve its molecular structure for textile application. Our biotechnology group is interested in such ideas.
Are you already working on it?
We have plans.
Are old Polish hemp landraces preserved? Is there a Cannabis germplasm collection in Poland?
Unfortunately, our old local hemp strains are not preserved in any genebank. There is only a breeding collection maintained at the INF.
Is the history of the Polish hemp industry archived or documented in a museum?
There is not a special museum dedicated to hemp, but the agricultural museum in Poznan exhibits some hemp related objects.
How is the legal situation with regard to Cannabis in Poland?
One needs a permit, a special agreement with the government, to grow it.
Is there significant production and trade of Cannabis drugs in Poland?
No, there's little interest in these matters.
How do you regard the future of the INF and the Polish hemp industry?
I expect that the present difficult period, which is due to reduced funding by the government, will last for at least ten more years. Sometimes we have the wind at our backs, and sometimes in our faces. Still, I belong to the optimists. A personal experience: when I started working at the INF in 1961, my boss sent me to a village to harvest hemp and flax, and collect raw materials for particle board experiments. I was used to workiing in clean laboratories, and now I found myself in dirt and dust. That time was also the beginning of nylon-era. Everybody wanted synthetic polymers instead of plant fibres. Even farmers preferred polypropylene above hemp rope. I remember from a visit to the library that Svenska Dagbladen reported: 'last retting mill is closing in Sweden'. Nails in my coffin, as it were. I was then convinced that natural fibres had no future, that I was employed at the wrong place and that I had to escape as soon as possible. Still, I am here and I see a future for our hemp industry. I expect that after 2000, the worlds' forests will be better protected and that hemp, or crops like kenaf and Miscanthus, will become important alternative sources of cellulose. At our high latitude (52_ to 60_) the yield potential of hemp, being up to 17 tonnes of dry mass consisting of 35% high quality fibre, exceeds that of any tree species. Especially since the Frankfurt hemp symposium, we get frequent requests from abroad for hemp seed for sowing and for fine fabrics. At present only China and Rumania can meet such demands. But these countries still use warm water retting. Although this method gives fibres of high and stable quality, it is very expensive and polluting. Per tonne of fibre, one needs ca. 50 tonnes of water for retting and washing. I tend to optimism for the future of textile hemp in Poland, provided that we develop finer cutivars than the current ones, and introduce more advanced techniques for fibre extraction.
How do you consider recent innovations for fibre extraction, for example, steam explosion?
We are testing fibres extracted by a newly developed machine of the Claes company (Germany) for simulta-neous harvesting and fibre extraction in the field. I see, however, problems with quality and costs. After the steam explosion of flax, the fibre doesn't look like flax anymore. Due to such treatment, the product looses its authentic character.
Is the INF interested in international cooperation and business?
Yes, certainly we are. But although a lot of people show commercial interest in hemp, they generally do not want to support the necessary research work, and that is what we need first. Most peoples' largest concern is how to earn money with hemp, they do not seem to realize that they first have to put money into it. We have agreed to export ca 20 tonnes of hemp sowing material this year to Canada and Australia. We are however always somewhat afraid that the seed will be used not only for cultivation but also for multiplication and further breeding. Further, we sell hemp products to Germany.
We have had a long and regular exchange of researchers with the Ukrainian Research Institute of Bast Crops in Glukhov. In collaboration with the Institut Lna, Torzhok, Russia, we try to accelerate hemp breeding through the implementation of biotechnological techniques.
Is there anything else that you would like to mention?
I hope that the IHA will develop into a prosperous organization and that its activities will help to promote fibre hemp. And the IHA should join the FAO fibre crops network!
słuchajzapisz
Geotermia Polska czy uzaleznienie od energii zagranicznej?
Fundusz ekologiczny czy polityczny?
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-05-30
Jeśli do 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z międzynarodowych zobowiązań odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych, to będziemy płacili potężną karę - rocznie ponad miliard euro
Unieważnienie przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej umowy z Fundacją "Lux Veritatis" dotyczącej inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może w przyszłości skutkować nałożeniem na Polskę kar w związku z niewypełnieniem minimalnego limitu energii pochodzącej ze źródeł odnawialnych - ostrzegają specjaliści od energii odnawialnej. Inni eksperci z kolei zauważają polityczny charakter tej decyzji. Listy protestacyjne w tej sprawie wystosowała grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, kierując je do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii.
W przekonaniu prof. dr. hab. Ryszarda Kozłowskiego z Instytutu Inżynierii Materiałowej Politechniki Krakowskiej, decyzja Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dotycząca inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może spowodować, że nasz kraj nie wypełni zobowiązań międzynarodowych. - W 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z zobowiązania międzynarodowego odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych. Jak obliczyli Niemcy, będziemy płacili karę 70 euro za megawatogodzinę w stosunku do mocy brakującej. Ponieważ prawdopodobnie będzie nam brakowało 5 proc. z 34 tys. megawatów energii elektrycznej, którą Polska dysponuje, to w skali roku zapłacimy karę w wysokości ponad 1 mld euro (1705 proc. naszego przyszłego niedoboru energii odnawialnej pomnożone przez 70 euro, 365 dni i 24 godziny) - alarmuje profesor Kozłowski. - Dziwne, ale rząd tym się nie przejmuje. Woli zapłacić karę, niż uruchomić najtańszą produkcję energii. Bo w Europie jest ona właśnie najtańszą energią - dodaje profesor.
Profesor Kozłowski jest zbulwersowany decyzją Funduszu, która kłóci się z przedwyborczymi obietnicami premiera Donalda Tuska. - Premier Tusk podczas kampanii wyborczej obiecywał Polakom będącym na emigracji, że będą mogli wrócić do kraju. My właśnie uważamy, że przy takim jednym centrum geoenergetycznym może powstać kilkaset miejsc pracy. Jeżeli premier Tusk pozbywa się takiej możliwości - jest to dla nas zupełnie niezrozumiałe - dodaje naukowiec.
W związku z wypowiedzeniem umowy Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" na realizację inwestycji geotermalnej dla Torunia grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Urszula Krupa, Witold Tomczak, Bogdan Pęk, Bogusław Rogalski, Andrzej Zapałowski) oraz poseł Anna Sobecka przesłała listy protestacyjne do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii. Zwracając się do Jana Rączki, prezesa Funduszu, z apelem o uczciwą analizę sprawy i podjęcie działań uchylających "wybitnie szkodliwą i krótkowzroczną" decyzję, sygnatariusze pisma zaznaczają: "(...) decyzja podjęta przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dziwi także ze względu na to, jak wskazują sami urzędnicy, że nie wykorzystuje się wszystkich pieniędzy, które miały być wydatkowane na odnawialne źródła energii, w tym na geotermię, co więcej, nie ma chętnych, by realizować geotermię w naszym kraju, a decyzja była sprawdzana pod względem merytorycznym, formalnym i celowościowym. Jeszcze w styczniu wyniki kontroli Ministerstwa Środowiska w Narodowym Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej wykazały, że nie ma żadnych przeszkód, by Fundacja 'Lux Veritatis' mogła realizować przedsięwzięcie".
Poza nie merytoryczną decyzją NFOŚiGW, niezrozumiałą z punktu widzenia ekonomicznego, dochodzą podejrzenia o celowe działania mające dyskryminować społeczność katolicką w Polsce. Profesor dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński, kierownik Katedry Filozofii Kultury Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, uważa - podobnie jak zarząd Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" - że decyzja Funduszu to realizacja przedwyborczych zapowiedzi premiera Donalda Tuska. - Tak, ten jegomość, gdy chodzi o konstruktywne obietnice przedwyborcze, to jak widać gołym okiem, żartował, natomiast jeśli chodzi o zapowiedzi destruktywne, to robi to poważnie. Podstawy jego programu działania politycznego sprowadzają się do niszczenia katolicyzmu w Polsce. Dlatego dostał tak potężne wsparcie antykatolickich mediów - zaznacza.
Komu przeszkadza geotermia
Również minister ochrony środowiska w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, a obecnie poseł Prawa i Sprawiedliwości prof. Jan Szyszko nie może doszukać się merytorycznych podstaw dla decyzji Funduszu. - Dziwne jest to, że obecny rząd, dyskutując o tzw. pakiecie energetycznym, zobowiązuje się do tego, aby 20 proc. energii pochodziło z odnawialnych źródeł i jednocześnie nie robi nic ku temu, aby wykorzystać polskie szanse w tym kierunku. Muszę powiedzieć, że jestem zbulwersowany decyzją NFOŚiGW, gdyż geotermia w Polsce zawsze była blokowana - zauważa profesor, gość środowego programu "Polski punkt widzenia" w Telewizji Trwam. - Ona była blokowana - tak przypuszczam - przez tych, którzy uważają, że geotermia zawsze może być bardzo konkurencyjna w stosunku do innych źródeł energii - dodaje Jan Szyszko.
Zdziwienia decyzją NFOŚiGW nie kryje Kazimierz Kujda, były prezes zarządu Funduszu. Zwraca uwagę na staranne spełnienie przez Fundację wszystkich warunków niezbędnych do zawarcia umowy. - Zachowaliśmy staranność wyjątkową. Wszystkie procedury, jakie obowiązywały w NFOŚiGW, zostały zachowane - stwierdza. Zdaniem Kujdy, zastosowanie tak rygorystycznych procedur, które stosuje się tylko w odniesieniu do środków unijnych, to efekt nieprzychylnej dla inwestycji kampanii medialnej. Warto przypomnieć, że wszystkie warunki zostały przez Fundację "Lux Veritatis" spełnione.
W opinii o. Jana Króla CSsR, którą wyraził w "Polskim punkcie widzenia", decyzja Funduszu o unieważnieniu umowy ma charakter polityczny. Przypomniał on wcześniejsze rzucanie kłód pod nogi tej inwestycji, zgodne zresztą z zapowiedziami premiera Donalda Tuska.
Platforma chciała wykorzystać zmianę prowincjała Warszawskiej Prowincji Redemptorystów i już trzeciego dnia po objęciu przez o. Ryszarda Bożka funkcji prowincjała, w niedzielę, przyjechali do Tuchowa prezes i wiceprezes Funduszu. Najwyraźniej liczono na to, że nowy prowincjał nie zdążył się jeszcze zapoznać ze szczegółami inwestycji i będzie można wykorzystać tę sytuację. Plan spalił na panewce - stąd wtorkowe wypowiedzenie umowy. - Jak urząd prowincjała redemptorystów objął o. Ryszard Bożek, otrzymuje on telefon z Warszawy od nowego już pana prezesa NFOŚiGW z prośbą o spotkanie. Oczywiście ojciec jeszcze kilka dni jest wtedy w Tuchowie, trzysta parę kilometrów od Warszawy, i ja dopiero teraz się zastanawiam, jak to się dzieje, że pan prezes i pani wiceprezes jadą tam, te trzysta kilometrów w niedzielę - nie w dniu pracy. Oczywiście ja nie chcę dziś jeszcze mówić o tym, czego dotyczyła rozmowa, myślę, że przyjdzie na to czas - podsumował o. Jan Król.
Jacek Dytkowski
Posted by Alex Bajan at 9:22 AM 0 comments
Thursday, May 29, 2008
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
German and Jewish claims For compensation from Poland. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war?
Rabin kontra prof. Nowak
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now
Poland's geographical location has made it easy for aggressive peoples and countries to invade it and try to make of Poles a countryless nation. These invasions have cost Poland trillions of dollars in damage. Between 1939-1989 Poland was in the grip of two colonial powers: Nazi Germany in the Second World War, and the Soviet Union during and after the war. Poles are proud to have resisted both invasions, and this amply-documented resistance gives them the right to self-esteem and national pride. However, those who value only power are not impressed, especially because Poles have failed to create a discourse in English that would counter so many mendacious or simply ignorant books and opinions circulating in America. Edward Said had a word for it: orientalism, or interpreting a people without including that people's input in the interpretation. We would like to state that while orientalism has somewhat retreated with regard to third world countries, it is alive and well concerning Poland. And we repeat, Poles have not done well in countering orientalism by having their own voices heard and available in languages other than Polish.
The years 1939-1989 cost two generations of Poles dearly. The country's infrastructure, education, health, and life itself suffered in ways that have not been articulated in American scholarship. Now, sixty years after the war ended, the descendants of some of the invaders cast a wistful glance eastward and point out that the invaders have suffered also! As Prime Minister Kaczyski states in the interview, since 1945 consecutive Warsaw governments tacitly consented to any interpretation of what happened in the twentieth century as long as such interpretations brought short-term gains for themselves. The net result is that Poles have been taken unaware by the recent rise in Germany of an unbelievable discourse--directed at Poland--that demands satisfaction for those Germans who lost their property in territories taken away after World War II. No one has heard of Germans suing the Russians in the Strasbourg court, only the Poles. Must Poland continue to pay for Hitler's war? (From The Chesterton Review, Spring/Summer 2007).
Note: The Sarmatian Review is a scholarly journal on the history, culture and society of Central and Eastern Europe, with strong attention to Poland. It is published, in English, in Texas. Information is available on the web.
Editorial Note: Recently, a Jewish group has demanded that Poland pay compensation for the property lost by Polish Jews during the Second World War. Apparently they are counting on the billions of dollars for equalization flowing to Poland from the European Community. This would be a most obscene demand.
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 1/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 2/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 3/4
Profesor Wolniewicz RM Prawda o Tusku 4/4
Jerzy Robert Nowak Roszczenia zydowskie Trwam 24.02.200
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 1/2
ZBRODNIE KOMUNISTÓW- "Gen. August Emil Fieldorf 'Nil' " 2/2
Posted by Alex Bajan at 7:10 PM 0 comments
Hiroshima - Sandra
Hiroshima - Sandra
Posted by Alex Bajan at 8:42 AM 0 comments
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Marek Grechuta - Ojczyzna Poland our Country Zydzi i Israel powinni byc Polskimi Patryjotami a nie Targowica
Historia swa
Posted by Alex Bajan at 1:04 PM 0 comments
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae 40 to 1 Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Polish Army 1939 Wizna Polish Thermopylae Piosenka szwedzkiego zespołu Sabaton z najnowszego albumu The Art of War
Eve of the Battle
Before the war the area of the village of Wizna was prepared as a fortified line of defence. It was to shield the Polish positions further to the south and guard the crossing of Narew and Biebrza rivers. The 9 kilometres long line of Polish defences was subordinate to the Polish Narew Corps shielding Łomża and providing defence of northern approach to Warsaw. The Wizna fortified area was one of the most important nodes in the area, providing cover of both the river crossings, and the roads Łomża-Białystok and roads towards Brześć Litewski on the rear of Polish forces.
The first construction works were started in April 1939. The spot was chosen carefully: most of the concrete bunkers were built on hills overlooking a swampy Narew River valley. They could be reached either through direct assault through the swamps or by attack along the causeway leading from the bridge in Wizna. Until September 1, 1939, 12 bunkers were built altogether. Six of them were heavy concrete bunkers with reinforced steel cupolas (8 tons of weight) while the other six were machine gun pillboxes. Additional four heavy bunkers were under construction at the moment the World War II started. In addition, the area was reinforced with trenches, anti-tank and anti-personnel obstacles, barbed wire lines and landmines. There were also plans of breaking the dams on the Biebrza and Narew rivers to flood the area, but the Summer of 1939 was one of the most dry seasons in Polish history and the level of water was too low.
Although not all bunkers were ready by the beginning of the war, the Polish lines of defences were well-prepared. The walls of an average bunker, 1.5 metres thick and reinforced with 20-centimetre-thick steel plates, could withstand a direct hit from even the heaviest guns available to the Wehrmacht at the time. The bunkers were situated on hills which gave good visibility of all the advancing forces.
[edit] First phase
On September 1, 1939, the Polish Defensive War of 1939 started. The German 3rd Army was to advance from East Prussia towards Warsaw, directly through the positions of Polish Narew Corps. On September 2 Captain Władysław Raginis was named the commander of the Wizna area. As his command post he chose the "GG-126" bunker near the village of Góra Strękowa. The bunker was located on a hill in the exact centre of the Polish lines. His forces numbered approximately 700 soldiers and NCOs and 20 officers armed with 6 pieces of artillery (76mm), 24 HMGs, 18 machine guns and two Kb ppanc wz.35 anti-tank carbines.
After initial clashes at the border, the Podlaska Cavalry Brigade operating in the area was forced to withdraw and on September 5 left the area. On September 3 Polish positions were spotted from the air and strafed with machine gun fire from enemy fighters. Later that day one of the German bombers returning from a bombing raid over Warsaw was shot down by machine gun fire.
On September 7, 1939, the reconnaissance units of the 10th Panzer Division of general Nicolaus von Falkenhorst captured the village of Wizna. Polish mounted reconnaissance squads abandoned the village after a short fight and retreated to the southern bank of Narew. When the German tanks tried to cross the bridge, it was blown up by Polish engineers. After dark, patrols of German infantry crossed the river and advanced towards Giełczyn, but were repelled with heavy casualties.
On September 8 general Heinz Guderian, commander of the XIX Panzer Corps, was ordered to advance through Wizna towards Brześć. By early morning of September 9 his units reached the Wizna area and were joined with 10th Panzer Division and "Lötzen" Brigade already present in the area. His forces numbered some 1 200 officers and 41 000 soldiers and NCOs, equipped with over 350 tanks, 108 howitzers, 58 pieces of artillery, 195 anti-tank guns, 108 mortars, 188 grenade launchers, 288 heavy machine guns and 689 machine guns. Altogether, his forces were some 40 times stronger than the Polish defenders.
Second Phase
In the early morning German planes dropped leaflets asking the Poles to give up and claiming that most of Poland is already in German hands and further resistance is futile. In order to strengthen the morale of his troops, Władysław Raginis swore that he will not leave his post alive and that the defence will continue. Soon after that an artillery barrage started. Polish artillery was several times weaker and soon was forced to retreat towards Białystok. After the preparations, the Germans attacked the northern flank of the Polish forces. Two platoons defending several bunkers located to the north of Narew were attacked from three sides by German tanks and infantry. Initially the losses among German infantry were high, but after heavy artillery fire commander of the Giełczyn area First Lieutenant Kiewlicz was ordered to burn the wooden bridge over Narew and withdraw to Białystok. The remnants of his forces broke through German encirclement and reached Białystok, where they joined the forces of general Franciszek Kleeberg.
At the same time an assault on the southern part of Polish fortifications came to a stalemate. Polish bunkers were lacking adequate anti-tank armament, but were able to rain the German infantry with machine gun fire. However, at 6 o'clock in the evening the infantry was forced to abandon the trenches and field fortifications and retreat into the bunkers. The German tanks could finally cross the Polish lines and advance towards Tykocin and Zambrów. However, the German infantry was still under heavy fire and was pinned down in the swampy fields in front of Polish bunkers.
Although Raginis was subordinate to Lt.Col. Tadeusz Tabaczyński, commander of the Osowiec fortified area located some 30 kilometres to the north, he could not expect any reinforcements. On September 8 Marshal of Poland Edward Śmigły-Rydz ordered the 135th Infantry Regiment that constituted the reserves of both Osowiec and Wizna, to be withdrawn to Warsaw. When the order was withdrawn and the unit returned to Osowiec, it was already too late to help the isolated Poles at Wizna.
Heavy fights for each of the—now isolated—bunkers continued. Several assaults were repelled during the night and in the early morning of September 10. At approximately 12 o'clock the German engineers with the help of tanks and artillery finally managed to destroy all but two Polish bunkers. Both of them were located in the centre of Góra Strękowa and continued the defence despite having much of the crew wounded or incapacitated and most of the machine guns destroyed. It is alleged that Heinz Guderian, in an attempt to end the Polish resistance, threatened the Polish commander that he would shoot the POWs if the remaining forces did not surrender. (No captives were shot.) Captain Władysław Raginis then ordered his men to abandon the bunker and committed suicide by throwing himself on a grenade.
After the Battle
After the Polish resistance ended, the XIX Panzer Corps advanced towards Zambrów and Wysokie Mazowieckie finally encircling and destroying the Polish Narew Corps. Later it advanced further southwards and took part in the Battle of Brześć.
Although all the bunkers were destroyed and the Polish resistance was finally broken, the fortified area of Wizna managed to halt the German advance for three days. The heroic struggle against overwhelming odds is nowadays one of the symbols of the Polish Defensive War of 1939 and is a part of Polish popular culture.
Polska moja ojczyzna
Posted by Alex Bajan at 11:38 AM 0 comments
Monday, May 26, 2008
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
Republicans start swinging McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
By ERIC MARGOLIS
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The Republican attack machine went after Democratic presidential front-runner Barack Obama last week, and it was not a pretty sight.
After Obama sensibly proposed direct negotiations with Iran, Venezuela and Cuba, and described any potential danger from Iran as "tiny," Republican candidate John McCain accused him of being reckless and inexperienced.
"The threat the government of Iran poses is anything but tiny," thundered McCain -- the same "experienced" McCain who mistakenly claimed Iran was supporting Sunni fighters in Iraq.
President George W. Bush echoed McCain's accusations during a speech to Israel's Knesset last week, an oration so fulsome and simplistic, many worldly Israeli legislators were left looking embarrassed.
Bush insinuated Obama was a dangerous pre-Second World War type "appeaser" for daring suggest talking to Iran. Neocons blasted Obama as unpatriotic for not wearing an American flag pin and hinted he was a closet Muslim. Obama was so flummoxed by these violent attacks, he foolishly flip-flopped and agreed Iran was indeed a grave threat.
All this came as the danger of a U.S./Israeli attack on Iran to preserve Israel's Mideast nuclear monopoly was growing. Israel's PM Ehud Olmert called for a U.S. naval blockade of Iran, an open act of war.
GOERING
If the Second World War must be dredged up, a more appropriate reference would be Nazi Hermann Goering's famous formula for fascism: "All you have to do is to tell them (the people) they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
McCain is an able, savvy domestic politician, but his absurd claims about Iran bring into question his understanding of foreign policy.
Iran has no long-range missiles, nuclear weapons or bombers. Its decrepit air force barely flies. Iran's so-called navy is a lightly armed coast guard.
Its ground forces are immobile and lack all forms of modern weapons. Tehran's defence budget is the size of Poland's or Norway's, and 100 times smaller than U.S. military spending.
It's the great Iraq scare all over. Republicans again are playing to the least-educated Americans by frightening them with fairy tales and outright lies. Iranian mad mullahs determined to shower A-bombs on Memphis and Dubuque have replaced Saddam and his Drones of Death. Should the U.S. talk to enemies? Of course. Diplomacy is one of three primary tools of statecraft along with military and economic power. Only arrant fools do not make use of it.
Just because the Bush administration largely relied on military power in foreign policy does not mean this Soviet-style approach need continue.
To whom does one negotiate if not with one's enemies and rivals? Besides, war is waged to attain diplomatic objectives, not win military victories. The greatest threat to world peace is not pipsqueaks such as Iran, Cuba or, even more laughably, Venezuela. It is the breakdown of normal diplomatic relations.
As Democrats rightly noted, the U.S. fruitfully negotiated with the Soviet Union and China when both powers threatened America with nuclear destruction.
The Bush administration has been making progress in nuclear talks with "pariah" North Korea.
SENSIBLE NATIONS
All sensible nations talk, either through normal or back door channels. Israel kept in touch with Iran after its revolution, secretly sold Tehran $5 billion of arms, and still maintains links today. Israel also has discreet links to Hamas and Hezbollah through third parties such as Egypt. Israel and old foe Syria just announced talks.
McCain should be reminded that hysteria is not a viable foreign policy, even if it is election silly season.
He is wrong to keep promoting the image of America as a spinster atop a chair, screaming in fear of a Muslim mouse called Iran. This is unworthy of the great United States.
If anyone is being reckless and inexperienced in foreign affairs, so far it's McCain. His fear mongering over Iran and his truly worrying
Posted by Alex Bajan at 7:50 AM 0 comments
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About Me
Lech Alex Bajan
Lech Alex Bajan Przewodniczacy MlodzieZy w Lubelskim 1985-86 ktory otwarcie przeciwstawil sie Doktrynie Komunistycznej 1985 roku.sierpnia 1987 roku w USA. Zalozyciel RAQport. Aktywny, skontaktowany politycznych i biznesowych w USA szczegolnia w Washington DC. Niezalezny, nieskorumpowany, czysty w EPN, polski patriota – myslacy w kategoriach co dobrze dla Polski i Polakow w kraju i zagranica. Matka nauczyciel emerytowany w Krasniku. Ojciec SW. pamieci zmarl 1989 roku – poeta spraw Solidarnosci i wolnosci polski, dlugoletni pracownik Fabryki Lozysk Tocznych ( FLT ) Krasnik - Mieczyslaw Bajan Brat : Marek Bajan 3 krotny mistrz Polski w Piecioboju Nowoczesnym, olimpijczyk z Moskwy, trener w Berlinie. Wojek Kazimierz Kowal zaslozony dla Armi Krajowej na Lubeszczyznie Szczegolna zasloga za adbicie polskich dziewczat-kobiet z Powstania Warszawskiego wiezionych w okolicach Janowa kolo Lublina 1946 roku przez sowieckie NKWD. Zamordowany w 1947 roku przez sowieckich oprawcow. Kuzyn Jerzy Bajan (ur. 4 maja 1901, zm. 27 czerwca 1967), polski pilot myśliwski i pułkownik. Bajan odniósł w tym Challenge'u de France 1936 wielkie zwycięstwo.
View my complete profile
'SOMETIMES WE HAVE THE WIND AT OUR BACKS,
AND SOMETIMES IN OUR FACES
Interview with Prof. Ryszard Kozlowski,
Director of the Institute of Natural Fibres (INF) in Poznan, Poland
The latest world development in use and production of small particles of the nanometer size created new possibilities for the fire retardancy research.
Application of modifiers in form of so called "nano-particles" in intumescent systems improves the fire retardancy and thermal insulation effectiveness of the system. The high dispersion of particles has the influence on the decomposition of intumescent systems and on the combustion process. Therefore the structure and thermal resistance of formed carbon layer are improved.
The INF has developed a new, effective intumescent system in form of a transparent wood and wood derivates coating which contain silicon compound in "nano" scale.
Effectiveness of this intumescent system in of wood and the influence of the dispersion degree of introduced silicon compound will be presented. Parameters determined with cone calorimeter tests such as time to sustained ignition, heat release rate, mass loss rate and others, will be discussed in the paper.
Keywords: intumescent system, nano particles, fire retardant, fireproofing efficiency
How did your career develop?
I graduated in Applied Chemistry at the University of Poznan in 1961. Subsequently I went to INF, where I worked up to now with only short breaks. My Ph.D. work, from 1970 to 1972, was aimed at the biochemistry of retting of flax and hemp, and the effects of added nutrients, like urea, on the processes. As head of the INF department for waste and by-products, partly during a fellowship in Finland, I focused on the development of fire-, fungi- and water resistant particle board made from flax residues and hemp woody core. In 1987, I was promoted to be General Director of INF and in 1990 awarded the degree of Professor of Technical Science at Poznan University.
What are your international functions on the fibre scene?
I am Coordinator of the FAO flax network. This network consists of five subgroups focusing on the subjects: breeding and agriculture; harvesting and processing; quality; non-textile applications and marketing. We try to connect people from all over the world working with flax, linseed and also hemp by organizing symposia and by publishing proceedings and a newsletter. The next general meeting is in 1996 in Rouen, France. Maybe we could arrange the one after that in the Netherlands in collaboration with IHA. Further, I am a country member of the council of the World Textile Institute in Manchester, UK.
When was INF established, what is its size and some of its research interests?
The INF was founded under a different name in 1930 in Vilna, the present Vilnius, in Lithuania. After the war, the institute continued in Poznan. Besides flax and hemp, we do research on the protein fibres, silk and wool. At present, sixty-three employees work in seven laboratories, on seven experimental farms in different climatic regions and in an experimental retting mill. We have activities in the field of biotechnology, breeding, agronomy, spinning technology, environmental protection, marketing, technical information and normalization and standardization.
Due to strongly reduced funding levels by the government, we were also forced to start commercial activities to keep the INF running. That's why we have a marketing group of six persons to promote our products. We really need to earn money to invest in new equipment.
This year, we are testing an improved hemp harvester which was developed at the INF. We expect it to be better than the Russian machinery which is standard at the moment.
In the retting mill, we investigate alternatives to the traditional dew retting system, such as enzymatic degumming and mechanical green straw processing. An important project, ordered by the Polish government, is to find out if non-food crops like hemp and flax can be applied for the cleaning of soils contaminated with cadmium and copper. Up to 1000 ha of hemp is presently grown for this purpose in S.W. Poland (Silesia) in an area with copper mines.
Don't you only spread the pollution more diffusely with such an approach?
No, the metals are specificly accumulated in the seed flour fraction. The cellulose of the stems can safely be used for pulping. The seed oil is also clean, it's mainly applied in paint production. The metals can be extracted by leaching the seed cake with hydrochloric or other acid solutions.
How is the situation of the Polish hemp industry?
Until the 1960s, there was quite a large Polish hemp industry, with four retting mills. Hemp fibres were mainly used for manufacturing ropes and fabrics for military use. Hemp was even of strategic importance. We had yearly 20,000 to 30,000 ha.growing. A factory had an annual production of 18000 m 3 of particle board, partly made from hemp woody core. Unfortunately, this factory was closed in 1975. After the changes in Russia, our export of military textiles completely collapsed. At present, there are two hemp processing factories left. They make fibre board and still some military fabrics (tents, shoes). Hemp is a marginal crop at the moment. Besides the area in polluted regions, there is another 2000 ha in S.E. Poland.
Are there, apart from the INF, other Polish institutes or companies involved in any aspect of Cannabis research?
No, no, no. In some botanic gardens and at universities they may have some plants, but they have obtained the seeds from us and it's only for demonstration, not research.
What is the goal of present hemp breeding at the INF? Can new cultivars be expected in the near future?
Ever since the institute was established, hemp breeding has never been interrupted, although we have had pressure to abandon this work entirely. I remember a congress in the 1960s where representatives of the industry said that there was no longer need for hemp with a fine textile quality. They wanted high yielding crops with coarse fibres for rope and technical fabrics. We changed our breeding completely to this direction, which resulted in the present two monoecious cultivars, Bialobrzeskie and Beniko. Current breeding is aimed at fine textile quality again, in combination with an acceptable productivity and a very low THC content. Within two or three years, we expect to release a new textile cultivar which is partly based on a Silezian landrace. For better textile quality, however, cultivation methods should also be altered, using higher plant densities and less fertilizer.
At the last World Textile Congress in Yokohama, there was an idea presented to modify the biosynthesis of cellulose in order to improve its molecular structure for textile application. Our biotechnology group is interested in such ideas.
Are you already working on it?
We have plans.
Are old Polish hemp landraces preserved? Is there a Cannabis germplasm collection in Poland?
Unfortunately, our old local hemp strains are not preserved in any genebank. There is only a breeding collection maintained at the INF.
Is the history of the Polish hemp industry archived or documented in a museum?
There is not a special museum dedicated to hemp, but the agricultural museum in Poznan exhibits some hemp related objects.
How is the legal situation with regard to Cannabis in Poland?
One needs a permit, a special agreement with the government, to grow it.
Is there significant production and trade of Cannabis drugs in Poland?
No, there's little interest in these matters.
How do you regard the future of the INF and the Polish hemp industry?
I expect that the present difficult period, which is due to reduced funding by the government, will last for at least ten more years. Sometimes we have the wind at our backs, and sometimes in our faces. Still, I belong to the optimists. A personal experience: when I started working at the INF in 1961, my boss sent me to a village to harvest hemp and flax, and collect raw materials for particle board experiments. I was used to workiing in clean laboratories, and now I found myself in dirt and dust. That time was also the beginning of nylon-era. Everybody wanted synthetic polymers instead of plant fibres. Even farmers preferred polypropylene above hemp rope. I remember from a visit to the library that Svenska Dagbladen reported: 'last retting mill is closing in Sweden'. Nails in my coffin, as it were. I was then convinced that natural fibres had no future, that I was employed at the wrong place and that I had to escape as soon as possible. Still, I am here and I see a future for our hemp industry. I expect that after 2000, the worlds' forests will be better protected and that hemp, or crops like kenaf and Miscanthus, will become important alternative sources of cellulose. At our high latitude (52_ to 60_) the yield potential of hemp, being up to 17 tonnes of dry mass consisting of 35% high quality fibre, exceeds that of any tree species. Especially since the Frankfurt hemp symposium, we get frequent requests from abroad for hemp seed for sowing and for fine fabrics. At present only China and Rumania can meet such demands. But these countries still use warm water retting. Although this method gives fibres of high and stable quality, it is very expensive and polluting. Per tonne of fibre, one needs ca. 50 tonnes of water for retting and washing. I tend to optimism for the future of textile hemp in Poland, provided that we develop finer cutivars than the current ones, and introduce more advanced techniques for fibre extraction.
How do you consider recent innovations for fibre extraction, for example, steam explosion?
We are testing fibres extracted by a newly developed machine of the Claes company (Germany) for simulta-neous harvesting and fibre extraction in the field. I see, however, problems with quality and costs. After the steam explosion of flax, the fibre doesn't look like flax anymore. Due to such treatment, the product looses its authentic character.
Is the INF interested in international cooperation and business?
Yes, certainly we are. But although a lot of people show commercial interest in hemp, they generally do not want to support the necessary research work, and that is what we need first. Most peoples' largest concern is how to earn money with hemp, they do not seem to realize that they first have to put money into it. We have agreed to export ca 20 tonnes of hemp sowing material this year to Canada and Australia. We are however always somewhat afraid that the seed will be used not only for cultivation but also for multiplication and further breeding. Further, we sell hemp products to Germany.
We have had a long and regular exchange of researchers with the Ukrainian Research Institute of Bast Crops in Glukhov. In collaboration with the Institut Lna, Torzhok, Russia, we try to accelerate hemp breeding through the implementation of biotechnological techniques.
Is there anything else that you would like to mention?
I hope that the IHA will develop into a prosperous organization and that its activities will help to promote fibre hemp. And the IHA should join the FAO fibre crops network!
Friday, May 30, 2008
Geotermia Polska czy uzaleznienie od energii zagranicznej?
Geotermia Polska czy uzaleznienie od energii zagranicznej?
Fundusz ekologiczny czy polityczny?
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-05-30
Jeśli do 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z międzynarodowych zobowiązań odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych, to będziemy płacili potężną karę - rocznie ponad miliard euro
Unieważnienie przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej umowy z Fundacją "Lux Veritatis" dotyczącej inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może w przyszłości skutkować nałożeniem na Polskę kar w związku z niewypełnieniem minimalnego limitu energii pochodzącej ze źródeł odnawialnych - ostrzegają specjaliści od energii odnawialnej. Inni eksperci z kolei zauważają polityczny charakter tej decyzji. Listy protestacyjne w tej sprawie wystosowała grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, kierując je do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii.
W przekonaniu prof. dr. hab. Ryszarda Kozłowskiego z Instytutu Inżynierii Materiałowej Politechniki Krakowskiej, decyzja Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dotycząca inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może spowodować, że nasz kraj nie wypełni zobowiązań międzynarodowych. - W 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z zobowiązania międzynarodowego odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych. Jak obliczyli Niemcy, będziemy płacili karę 70 euro za megawatogodzinę w stosunku do mocy brakującej. Ponieważ prawdopodobnie będzie nam brakowało 5 proc. z 34 tys. megawatów energii elektrycznej, którą Polska dysponuje, to w skali roku zapłacimy karę w wysokości ponad 1 mld euro (1705 proc. naszego przyszłego niedoboru energii odnawialnej pomnożone przez 70 euro, 365 dni i 24 godziny) - alarmuje profesor Kozłowski. - Dziwne, ale rząd tym się nie przejmuje. Woli zapłacić karę, niż uruchomić najtańszą produkcję energii. Bo w Europie jest ona właśnie najtańszą energią - dodaje profesor.
Profesor Kozłowski jest zbulwersowany decyzją Funduszu, która kłóci się z przedwyborczymi obietnicami premiera Donalda Tuska. - Premier Tusk podczas kampanii wyborczej obiecywał Polakom będącym na emigracji, że będą mogli wrócić do kraju. My właśnie uważamy, że przy takim jednym centrum geoenergetycznym może powstać kilkaset miejsc pracy. Jeżeli premier Tusk pozbywa się takiej możliwości - jest to dla nas zupełnie niezrozumiałe - dodaje naukowiec.
W związku z wypowiedzeniem umowy Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" na realizację inwestycji geotermalnej dla Torunia grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Urszula Krupa, Witold Tomczak, Bogdan Pęk, Bogusław Rogalski, Andrzej Zapałowski) oraz poseł Anna Sobecka przesłała listy protestacyjne do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii. Zwracając się do Jana Rączki, prezesa Funduszu, z apelem o uczciwą analizę sprawy i podjęcie działań uchylających "wybitnie szkodliwą i krótkowzroczną" decyzję, sygnatariusze pisma zaznaczają: "(...) decyzja podjęta przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dziwi także ze względu na to, jak wskazują sami urzędnicy, że nie wykorzystuje się wszystkich pieniędzy, które miały być wydatkowane na odnawialne źródła energii, w tym na geotermię, co więcej, nie ma chętnych, by realizować geotermię w naszym kraju, a decyzja była sprawdzana pod względem merytorycznym, formalnym i celowościowym. Jeszcze w styczniu wyniki kontroli Ministerstwa Środowiska w Narodowym Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej wykazały, że nie ma żadnych przeszkód, by Fundacja 'Lux Veritatis' mogła realizować przedsięwzięcie".
Poza nie merytoryczną decyzją NFOŚiGW, niezrozumiałą z punktu widzenia ekonomicznego, dochodzą podejrzenia o celowe działania mające dyskryminować społeczność katolicką w Polsce. Profesor dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński, kierownik Katedry Filozofii Kultury Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, uważa - podobnie jak zarząd Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" - że decyzja Funduszu to realizacja przedwyborczych zapowiedzi premiera Donalda Tuska. - Tak, ten jegomość, gdy chodzi o konstruktywne obietnice przedwyborcze, to jak widać gołym okiem, żartował, natomiast jeśli chodzi o zapowiedzi destruktywne, to robi to poważnie. Podstawy jego programu działania politycznego sprowadzają się do niszczenia katolicyzmu w Polsce. Dlatego dostał tak potężne wsparcie antykatolickich mediów - zaznacza.
Komu przeszkadza geotermia
Również minister ochrony środowiska w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, a obecnie poseł Prawa i Sprawiedliwości prof. Jan Szyszko nie może doszukać się merytorycznych podstaw dla decyzji Funduszu. - Dziwne jest to, że obecny rząd, dyskutując o tzw. pakiecie energetycznym, zobowiązuje się do tego, aby 20 proc. energii pochodziło z odnawialnych źródeł i jednocześnie nie robi nic ku temu, aby wykorzystać polskie szanse w tym kierunku. Muszę powiedzieć, że jestem zbulwersowany decyzją NFOŚiGW, gdyż geotermia w Polsce zawsze była blokowana - zauważa profesor, gość środowego programu "Polski punkt widzenia" w Telewizji Trwam. - Ona była blokowana - tak przypuszczam - przez tych, którzy uważają, że geotermia zawsze może być bardzo konkurencyjna w stosunku do innych źródeł energii - dodaje Jan Szyszko.
Zdziwienia decyzją NFOŚiGW nie kryje Kazimierz Kujda, były prezes zarządu Funduszu. Zwraca uwagę na staranne spełnienie przez Fundację wszystkich warunków niezbędnych do zawarcia umowy. - Zachowaliśmy staranność wyjątkową. Wszystkie procedury, jakie obowiązywały w NFOŚiGW, zostały zachowane - stwierdza. Zdaniem Kujdy, zastosowanie tak rygorystycznych procedur, które stosuje się tylko w odniesieniu do środków unijnych, to efekt nieprzychylnej dla inwestycji kampanii medialnej. Warto przypomnieć, że wszystkie warunki zostały przez Fundację "Lux Veritatis" spełnione.
W opinii o. Jana Króla CSsR, którą wyraził w "Polskim punkcie widzenia", decyzja Funduszu o unieważnieniu umowy ma charakter polityczny. Przypomniał on wcześniejsze rzucanie kłód pod nogi tej inwestycji, zgodne zresztą z zapowiedziami premiera Donalda Tuska.
Platforma chciała wykorzystać zmianę prowincjała Warszawskiej Prowincji Redemptorystów i już trzeciego dnia po objęciu przez o. Ryszarda Bożka funkcji prowincjała, w niedzielę, przyjechali do Tuchowa prezes i wiceprezes Funduszu. Najwyraźniej liczono na to, że nowy prowincjał nie zdążył się jeszcze zapoznać ze szczegółami inwestycji i będzie można wykorzystać tę sytuację. Plan spalił na panewce - stąd wtorkowe wypowiedzenie umowy. - Jak urząd prowincjała redemptorystów objął o. Ryszard Bożek, otrzymuje on telefon z Warszawy od nowego już pana prezesa NFOŚiGW z prośbą o spotkanie. Oczywiście ojciec jeszcze kilka dni jest wtedy w Tuchowie, trzysta parę kilometrów od Warszawy, i ja dopiero teraz się zastanawiam, jak to się dzieje, że pan prezes i pani wiceprezes jadą tam, te trzysta kilometrów w niedzielę - nie w dniu pracy. Oczywiście ja nie chcę dziś jeszcze mówić o tym, czego dotyczyła rozmowa, myślę, że przyjdzie na to czas - podsumował o. Jan Król.
Jacek Dytkowski
Paliwo ważniejsze niż wojna przeciwko terroryzmowi
W maju 2008 w USA, 70% obywateli uważa, że wzrost kosztów paliwa, jest ważniejszy niż wojna Bush’a przeciwko terroryzmowi, w ramach wojowniczej polityki osi USA-Izrael. Większość Amerykanów popiera dyplomatyczne podejście do Iranu i uważa za nonsens, stałą propagandę wojenną. Obecnie sondaże prestiżowego dwu-miesięcznika Foreign Affairs, z 2go Maja 2008 podkreślają, że w opinii Amerykanów, sprawa dostaw paliwa, jest bardzo ważna dla bezpieczeństwa państwowego.
Permanentni członkowie Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, nazywani „Iran Six” na spotkaniu w Londynie 2go maja, 2008, jako grupa, nie mają najmniejszej ochoty na konfrontację przeciwko Iranowi. Iran obiecywał wkrótce ogłosić własne propozycje, żeby rozwiązać regionalne oraz międzynarodowe problemy dotyczące go, włącznie z programem nuklearnym. Po odparowaniu dotychczasowych ataków osi USA-Izrael i jej starań odizolowania go, obecnie Iran chce za pomocą dyplomacji, być nieodwracalnie uznany za odpowiedzialnego członka międzynarodowej społeczności, zwłaszcza po wygaśnięciu kadencji Bush’a.
W dniu 6go Maja, 2008, Iran czuł się na siłach ogłosić, że zawiesza inspekcje inspektorów ONZ do czasu, kiedy Izrael przystąpi do globalnego traktatu o nie-rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, według „The Wall Street Journal” z tejże daty. Ponieważ gazeta ta jest dominowana przez neokoserwatystów radykalnych syjonistów, więc na razie wstrzymała się od komentarzy.
Iran chciałby móc sprzedawać gaz ziemny do Unii Europejskiej po cenach konkurencyjnych, czego Moskwa nie chce. Rosja woli zbudować „Rurociąg Pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin, tak żeby produkcja paliwa z Iranu szła głównie na wschód. Inicjatywy Iranu i konfrontacja Iranu z osią USA-Izraela, powoduje Rosję i Chiny do ostrożności tak, że na razie sprawa przyjęcia Iranu do „wschodniego NATO” w postaci Organizacji Kooperacji w Szanghaju (SCO) jest odłożona na później. Jak wiemy oficjalnymi językami (SCO) są chiński i rosyjski a Iran ma pozycję aplikanta-obserwatora, który usilnie stara się o przyjęcie do tego „wschodniego NATO.”
Rosja nadal prowadzi przetargi w celu odwołania przez USA projektu wyrzutni „Tarczy” w Polsce, o cztery minuty lotu pocisku od Moskwy i ma nadzieję, że następca Bush’a odwoła projekt „Tarczy” i w ten sposób zmniejszy zagrożenie świata konfliktem nuklearnym. Dla Rosji, zbyt bliskie powiązania z Iranem, komplikują stosunki Rosji z USA, tak w sprawie Kosowa jak i w konflikcie na Bliskim Wschodzie. W dodatku odnawiają się napięcia między Rosją i Gruzją popieraną przez NATO przeciwko Rosji.
Prezydent Wladimir Putin zapewnił listownie prezydenta Ahmadinedżad’a o trwałości poparcia Iranu przez Rosję, niezależnie, kto jest przy władzy. Prezydent Ahmadinedżad odpowiedział, że „Iran i Rosja są dwoma dużymi i potężnymi państwami, których kooperacja służy interesom Iranu i Rosji, jak również regionalnemu i międzynarodowemu bezpieczeństwu” oraz mogą one „skutecznie służyć, w ustalaniu nowego modelu, stosunków międzynarodowych.” Właśnie wydano książkę geopolityka histryka Fareed’a Zakaria pod tytułem „The Post-American World” („Postamerykański Świat”).
W czasie, kiedy Iran podpisywał traktat przeciwko rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, w treści tego traktatu było ustalone, że każde państwo ma prawo do budowania elektrowni nuklearnych, oraz wzbogacania uranu, pod kontrolą inspektorów z ONZ’tu. Obecnie pod presją neokonserwatywnego i pro-izraelskiego rządu Bush’a, pięciu permanentnych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, zmienili warunki traktatu i wymagają żeby Iran nie miał prawa wzbogacania uranu, jak to czynią inne państwa nie należące do „klubu arsenałów nuklearnych.” Naturalnie Iran uważa, że jest ofiarą dyskryminacji.
Brytyjski Minister Spraw Zagranicznych, Dawid Miliband powiedział, że propozycje udzielane Iranowi i ustępstwa mają na celu wtrzymanie programu wzbogacania uranu przez Iran i mają na celu udowodnienie Teheranowi, jakie korzyści mógłby mieć, dzięki kooperacji z „international community,” czyli państwami grupy „Iran Six,” która jednak traci na sile. Wcześniej minister Iranu, Manouczehr Mottami, powiedział Milibamd’owi „dobrze wiesz, jakie słowa są niedozwolone w Iranie.” Faktycznie grupa „Iran Six” starciła tupet.
W Moskwie, Igor Tomberg, z Instytutu Gospodaki Światowej i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, powiedział: „Iran dodał do swego kołczana strzałę energetyczną. Postęp Iranu na światowym rynku gazu ziemnego spowoduje zmiany w obecnej równowadze sił,” zwłaszcza, że Szwajcaria 17go marca popisała kontrakt z Iranem wartości 42 miliardów dolarów, na 25 lat. Uroczyste podpisanie formalnego kontraktu przez Szwajcarię i Iran miało miejsce w Teheranie.
Do tej pory podpisywano z Iranem tylko nie-wiążące memoranda, o wzajemnym porozumieniu. Iran ma dostarczyć Europie 5,5 miliardów metrów sześciennych gazu rocznie począwszy od 2010 roku, za pomocą obecnie budowanego rurociągu. Pani minister Micheline Calmy-Rey, w czasie uroczystej ceremonii w Teheranie powiedziała, że kontrakt ten jest bardzo ważny dla Szwajcarii, ponieważ zmniejsza uzależnienie Europy od dostaw z Rosji.
Reakcja osi USA-Izrael była szybka, według The Financial Limes of London tak, że Szwajcaria będzie prawdopodobnie skarcona i straci przedstawicielstwo interesów USA w Teheranie oraz w Hawanie. Tymczasem kontrakt Szwajcaria-Iran jest witany entuzjastycznie przez Włochy, jako bardzo ważny krok, w kierunku zapewnienia paliwa Europie. Szwajcarja nie skrępowana przez NATO i Unię Europejską, ma więcej swobody ruchów, było by morzeniem wielu Polakó gdyby Polska mogła być podobnie niezależna jak Szwajcaria,
Kontrakt Szwajcarii z Iranem spowodował przyspieszenie pertraktacji Chin z Iranem o kontrakt wartości 16 miliardów dolarów, w Północnym Regionie Pars oraz zakup skraplanego gazu ziemnego u wybrzeży Iranu na następne 25 lat, jak też kontrakt z Iranem na wiercenie szybów w regionie Jadawaran na dwa miliardy dolarów, „ponieważ interpretacja traktatu o nie rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych nie powinna przeszkadzać we współpracy ekonomicznej.”
Indie wzmocniły poparcie dla „rurociągu pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin. Natomiast współpraca nuklearna Indii z USA popada w stan letargu. Iran ma wiele ofert z zachodu i ze wschodu, wśród których przoduje Gasprom i ma kontrakty na wielkie złoża w południowym Iranie, które reprezentują 60% zasobów Iranu i tym samym 10% znanych zasobów światowych.
Gasprom na kontrakty z Qatarem, trzecim na świecie najbogatszym państwem w gaz ziemny, tak że razem Rosja, Iran i Qatar mają 55% światowych rezerw gazu ziemnego i ich współpraca ma duże znaczenie w energetyce globalnej i dominują Forum Producentów Gazu. Tak, więc paliwo, regulowane umowami międzynarodowymi jest bardziej uzasadnione niż próby rabunku paliwa, pod przykrywką wojny przeciwko terrorowi.
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Born Sept. 3, 1921
Lwów, Poland
in Dec 1939 left Warsaw. Dec 30, 1939 arrested by Ukrainians serving the Gestapo in Dukla, then transferred to Barwinek, Krosno, Jaslo, Tarnów, Oswiecim, arrived in Oranienburg-Sachsenhausen on Aug. 10, 1940.
April 19, 1945 started on the Death March of Brandenburg from Sachsenhausen; escaped gunfire of SS-guards and arrived to Schwerin and freedom on May 2, 1945.
September 1945 arrived in Brussels, Belgium; obtained admission as a regular student at the Catholic University: Institute Superieur de Commerce, St. Ignace in Antwerp.
in 1954 graduated in Civil Engineering at the top of his class. Was invited to join honorary societies: Tau Beta Pi (general engineering honorary society), Phi Kappa Phi (academic honorary society equivalent to Phi Beta Kappa), Pi Mu (mechanical engineering honorary society), and Chi Epsilon (civil engineering honorary society). Taught descriptive geometry at the University of Tennessee;
in 1955 graduated with M.S. degree in Industrial Engineering.
in 1955 started working for Shell Oil Company in New Orleans. After one year of managerial training was assigned to design of marine structures for drilling and production of petroleum.
in 1960 started working for Texaco Research and Development in Houston, Texas as a Project Engineer. Authored total of 50 American and foreign patents on marine structures for the petroleum industry;
wrote an article: The Rise and Fall of the Polish Commonwealth - A Quest for a Representative Government in Central and Eastern Europe in the 14th to 18th Centuries. Started to work on a Tabular History of Poland.
in 1972 moved to Blacksburg, Virginia. During the following years worked as Consulting Engineer for Texaco, also taught in Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as Adjunct Professor in the College of Civil Engineering teaching courses on marine structures of the petroleum industry. Designed and supervised the construction of a hill top home for his family, also bought 500 acre ranch (near Thomas Jefferson National Forest) where he restored 200 years old mill house on a mountain stream.
in 1978 prepared Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. The dictionary included a Tabular History of Poland, Polish Language, People, and Culture as well as Pogonowski's phonetic symbols for phonetic transcriptions in English and Polish at each dictionary entry; the phonetic explanations were illustrated with cross-sections of speech (organs used to pronounce the sounds unfamiliar to the users). It was the first dictionary with phonetic transcription at each Polish entry for use by English speakers
in 1981 prepared Practical Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1983 prepared Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Wrote an analysis of Michael Ch ci ski's Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism. Also selected crucial quotations from Norman Davies' God's Playground - A History of Poland on the subject of the Polish indigenous democratic process.
in 1985 prepared Polish-English Standard Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Also prepared a revised and expanded edition of the Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, also published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1987 prepared Poland: A Historical Atlas on Polish History and Prehistory including 200 maps and graphs as well as Chronology of Poland's Constitutional and Political Development, and the Evolution of Polish Identity - The Milestones. An introductory chapter was entitled Poland the Middle Ground. Aloysius A. Mazewski President of Polish-American Congress wrote an introduction. The Atlas was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. and later by Dorset Press of the Barnes and Noble Co. Inc. which sends some 30 million catalogues to American homes including color reproduction of book covers. Thus, many Americans were exposed to the cover of Pogonowski's Atlas showing the range of borders of Poland during the history - many found out for the firsttime that Poland was an important power in the past. Total of about 30,000 atlases were printed so far.
In 1988 the publication of Poland: A Historical Atlas resulted in a number of invitations extended by several Polonian organizations to Iwo Pogonowski to present Television Programs on Polish History. Pogonowski responded and produced over two year period 220 half-hour video programs in his studio at home (and at his own expense.) These programs formed a serial entitled: Poland, A History of One Thousand Years. Total of over 1000 broadcasts of these programs were transmitted by cable television in Chicago, Detroit-Hamtramck, Cleveland, and Blacksburg.
in 1990-1991 translated from the Russian the Catechism of a Revolutionary of 1869 in which crime has been treated as a normal part of the revolutionary program. Started preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation showing how the USSR became a prototype of modern totalitarian state, how this prototype was adapted in Germany by the Nazis.
in 1991 prepared Polish Phrasebook, Polish Conversations for Americans including picture code for gender and familiarity, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1991 prepared English Conversations for Poles with Concise Dictionary published by Hippocrene Books Inc. By then a total of over 100,000 Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionaries written by Pogonowski were sold in the United States and abroad.
in 1992 prepared a Dictionary of Polish, Latin, Hebrew, and Yiddish Terms used in Contacts between Poles and Jews. It was prepared for the history of Jews in Poland as well as 115 maps and graphs and 172 illustrations, paintings, drawings, and documents, etc. of Jewish life in Poland. This material was accompanied by proper annotations.
in 1993 prepared Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews as a Nation from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. in 3000 copies. Foreword was written by Richard Pipes, professor of history at Harvard University, and Pogonowski's school mate in the Keczmar school in Warsaw. Part I included: a Synopsis of 1000 Year History of Jews in Poland; the 1264 Statute of Jewish Liberties in Poland in Latin and English translation; Jewish Autonomy in Poland 1264-1795; German Annihilation of the Jews. In appendixes are documents and illustrations. An Atlas is in the Part III. It is divided as follows: Early Jewish Settlements 966-1264; The Crucial 500 Years, 1264-1795; Competition (between Poles and Jews) Under Foreign Rule, 1795-1918; The Last Blossoming of Jewish Culture in Poland, 1918-1939; German Genocide of the Jews, 1940-1944; Jewish Escape from Europe 1945-1947 - The End of European (Polish) Phase of Jewish History (when most of world's Jewry lived in Europe). Pogonowski began to write a new book starting with the Chronology of the Martyrdom of Polish Intelligentsia during World War II and the Stalinist Terror; the book in preparation was entitled Killing the Best and the Brightest.
in 1995 prepared Dictionary of Polish Business, Legal and Associated Terms for use with the new edition of the Practical Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary and later to be published as a separate book.
in 1996 Pogonowski's Poland: A Historical Atlas; was translated into Polish; some 130 of the original 200 maps printed in color; the Chronology of Poland was also translated into Polish. The Atlas was published by Wydawnictwo Suszczy ski I Baran in Kraków in 3000 copies; additional publications are expected. Prepared Polish-English, Eglish-Polish Compact Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1997 finished preparation of the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics including over 200,000 entries, in three volumes on total of 4000 pages; it is published by Hippocrene Books Inc; the Polish title is: Uniwesalny S ownik Polsko-Angielski. Besides years of work Pogonowski spent over $50,000 on computers, computer services, typing, and proof reading in order to make the 4000 page dictionary camera ready; assisted in the preparation of second edition of Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel published in fall of 1997. Prepared computer programs for English-Polish Dictionary to serve as a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary printed by the end of May 1997.
in 1998 Pogonowski organized preparation of CD ROM for the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary, Practical English-Polish Dictionary, Polish Phrasebook for Tourists and Travelers to Poland, all published earlier by Iwo C. Pogonowski. The Phrasebook includes 280 minutes of bilingual audio read by actors. Started preparation for a new edition of Poland: A Historical Atlas. New Appendices are being prepared on such subjects as: Polish contribution to Allied's wartime intelligence: the breaking of the Enigma Codes, Pune Munde rocket production; Poland's contribution to the international law since 1415; Poland's early development of rocket technology such as Polish Rocketry Handbook published in 1650 in which Poles introduced for the first time into the world's literature concepts of multiple warheads, multistage rockets, new controls in rocket flight, etc. Poland's Chronology is being enlarged to reflect the mechanisms of subjugation of Polish people by the Soviet terror apparatus. Continued preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation, including the 1992 revelations from Soviet archives as well as the current research in Poland. Continued preparation of two-volume English Polish Dictionary, a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary published in 1997. Reviewed Upiorna Dekada by J. T. Gross.
in 1999 Pogonowski continued writing Poland - An Illustrated History and preparing for it 21 maps and diagrams and 89 illustrations.
in 2000 Pogonowski prepared, in a camera ready form, Poland - An Illustrated History; it was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. NY 2000 and recommended by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor under President Carter, as "An important contribution to the better understanding of Polish history, which demonstrates in a vivid fashion the historical vicissitudes of that major European nation."
Fundusz ekologiczny czy polityczny?
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-05-30
Jeśli do 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z międzynarodowych zobowiązań odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych, to będziemy płacili potężną karę - rocznie ponad miliard euro
Unieważnienie przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej umowy z Fundacją "Lux Veritatis" dotyczącej inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może w przyszłości skutkować nałożeniem na Polskę kar w związku z niewypełnieniem minimalnego limitu energii pochodzącej ze źródeł odnawialnych - ostrzegają specjaliści od energii odnawialnej. Inni eksperci z kolei zauważają polityczny charakter tej decyzji. Listy protestacyjne w tej sprawie wystosowała grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, kierując je do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii.
W przekonaniu prof. dr. hab. Ryszarda Kozłowskiego z Instytutu Inżynierii Materiałowej Politechniki Krakowskiej, decyzja Narodowego Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dotycząca inwestycji geotermalnych w Toruniu może spowodować, że nasz kraj nie wypełni zobowiązań międzynarodowych. - W 2010 roku Polska nie wywiąże się z zobowiązania międzynarodowego odnośnie do pozyskiwania energii z zasobów odnawialnych. Jak obliczyli Niemcy, będziemy płacili karę 70 euro za megawatogodzinę w stosunku do mocy brakującej. Ponieważ prawdopodobnie będzie nam brakowało 5 proc. z 34 tys. megawatów energii elektrycznej, którą Polska dysponuje, to w skali roku zapłacimy karę w wysokości ponad 1 mld euro (1705 proc. naszego przyszłego niedoboru energii odnawialnej pomnożone przez 70 euro, 365 dni i 24 godziny) - alarmuje profesor Kozłowski. - Dziwne, ale rząd tym się nie przejmuje. Woli zapłacić karę, niż uruchomić najtańszą produkcję energii. Bo w Europie jest ona właśnie najtańszą energią - dodaje profesor.
Profesor Kozłowski jest zbulwersowany decyzją Funduszu, która kłóci się z przedwyborczymi obietnicami premiera Donalda Tuska. - Premier Tusk podczas kampanii wyborczej obiecywał Polakom będącym na emigracji, że będą mogli wrócić do kraju. My właśnie uważamy, że przy takim jednym centrum geoenergetycznym może powstać kilkaset miejsc pracy. Jeżeli premier Tusk pozbywa się takiej możliwości - jest to dla nas zupełnie niezrozumiałe - dodaje naukowiec.
W związku z wypowiedzeniem umowy Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" na realizację inwestycji geotermalnej dla Torunia grupa posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Urszula Krupa, Witold Tomczak, Bogdan Pęk, Bogusław Rogalski, Andrzej Zapałowski) oraz poseł Anna Sobecka przesłała listy protestacyjne do premiera, prezesa NFOŚiGW oraz unijnych komisarzy ds. ochrony środowiska i energii. Zwracając się do Jana Rączki, prezesa Funduszu, z apelem o uczciwą analizę sprawy i podjęcie działań uchylających "wybitnie szkodliwą i krótkowzroczną" decyzję, sygnatariusze pisma zaznaczają: "(...) decyzja podjęta przez Narodowy Fundusz Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej dziwi także ze względu na to, jak wskazują sami urzędnicy, że nie wykorzystuje się wszystkich pieniędzy, które miały być wydatkowane na odnawialne źródła energii, w tym na geotermię, co więcej, nie ma chętnych, by realizować geotermię w naszym kraju, a decyzja była sprawdzana pod względem merytorycznym, formalnym i celowościowym. Jeszcze w styczniu wyniki kontroli Ministerstwa Środowiska w Narodowym Funduszu Ochrony Środowiska i Gospodarki Wodnej wykazały, że nie ma żadnych przeszkód, by Fundacja 'Lux Veritatis' mogła realizować przedsięwzięcie".
Poza nie merytoryczną decyzją NFOŚiGW, niezrozumiałą z punktu widzenia ekonomicznego, dochodzą podejrzenia o celowe działania mające dyskryminować społeczność katolicką w Polsce. Profesor dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński, kierownik Katedry Filozofii Kultury Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, uważa - podobnie jak zarząd Fundacji "Lux Veritatis" - że decyzja Funduszu to realizacja przedwyborczych zapowiedzi premiera Donalda Tuska. - Tak, ten jegomość, gdy chodzi o konstruktywne obietnice przedwyborcze, to jak widać gołym okiem, żartował, natomiast jeśli chodzi o zapowiedzi destruktywne, to robi to poważnie. Podstawy jego programu działania politycznego sprowadzają się do niszczenia katolicyzmu w Polsce. Dlatego dostał tak potężne wsparcie antykatolickich mediów - zaznacza.
Komu przeszkadza geotermia
Również minister ochrony środowiska w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, a obecnie poseł Prawa i Sprawiedliwości prof. Jan Szyszko nie może doszukać się merytorycznych podstaw dla decyzji Funduszu. - Dziwne jest to, że obecny rząd, dyskutując o tzw. pakiecie energetycznym, zobowiązuje się do tego, aby 20 proc. energii pochodziło z odnawialnych źródeł i jednocześnie nie robi nic ku temu, aby wykorzystać polskie szanse w tym kierunku. Muszę powiedzieć, że jestem zbulwersowany decyzją NFOŚiGW, gdyż geotermia w Polsce zawsze była blokowana - zauważa profesor, gość środowego programu "Polski punkt widzenia" w Telewizji Trwam. - Ona była blokowana - tak przypuszczam - przez tych, którzy uważają, że geotermia zawsze może być bardzo konkurencyjna w stosunku do innych źródeł energii - dodaje Jan Szyszko.
Zdziwienia decyzją NFOŚiGW nie kryje Kazimierz Kujda, były prezes zarządu Funduszu. Zwraca uwagę na staranne spełnienie przez Fundację wszystkich warunków niezbędnych do zawarcia umowy. - Zachowaliśmy staranność wyjątkową. Wszystkie procedury, jakie obowiązywały w NFOŚiGW, zostały zachowane - stwierdza. Zdaniem Kujdy, zastosowanie tak rygorystycznych procedur, które stosuje się tylko w odniesieniu do środków unijnych, to efekt nieprzychylnej dla inwestycji kampanii medialnej. Warto przypomnieć, że wszystkie warunki zostały przez Fundację "Lux Veritatis" spełnione.
W opinii o. Jana Króla CSsR, którą wyraził w "Polskim punkcie widzenia", decyzja Funduszu o unieważnieniu umowy ma charakter polityczny. Przypomniał on wcześniejsze rzucanie kłód pod nogi tej inwestycji, zgodne zresztą z zapowiedziami premiera Donalda Tuska.
Platforma chciała wykorzystać zmianę prowincjała Warszawskiej Prowincji Redemptorystów i już trzeciego dnia po objęciu przez o. Ryszarda Bożka funkcji prowincjała, w niedzielę, przyjechali do Tuchowa prezes i wiceprezes Funduszu. Najwyraźniej liczono na to, że nowy prowincjał nie zdążył się jeszcze zapoznać ze szczegółami inwestycji i będzie można wykorzystać tę sytuację. Plan spalił na panewce - stąd wtorkowe wypowiedzenie umowy. - Jak urząd prowincjała redemptorystów objął o. Ryszard Bożek, otrzymuje on telefon z Warszawy od nowego już pana prezesa NFOŚiGW z prośbą o spotkanie. Oczywiście ojciec jeszcze kilka dni jest wtedy w Tuchowie, trzysta parę kilometrów od Warszawy, i ja dopiero teraz się zastanawiam, jak to się dzieje, że pan prezes i pani wiceprezes jadą tam, te trzysta kilometrów w niedzielę - nie w dniu pracy. Oczywiście ja nie chcę dziś jeszcze mówić o tym, czego dotyczyła rozmowa, myślę, że przyjdzie na to czas - podsumował o. Jan Król.
Jacek Dytkowski
Paliwo ważniejsze niż wojna przeciwko terroryzmowi
W maju 2008 w USA, 70% obywateli uważa, że wzrost kosztów paliwa, jest ważniejszy niż wojna Bush’a przeciwko terroryzmowi, w ramach wojowniczej polityki osi USA-Izrael. Większość Amerykanów popiera dyplomatyczne podejście do Iranu i uważa za nonsens, stałą propagandę wojenną. Obecnie sondaże prestiżowego dwu-miesięcznika Foreign Affairs, z 2go Maja 2008 podkreślają, że w opinii Amerykanów, sprawa dostaw paliwa, jest bardzo ważna dla bezpieczeństwa państwowego.
Permanentni członkowie Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, nazywani „Iran Six” na spotkaniu w Londynie 2go maja, 2008, jako grupa, nie mają najmniejszej ochoty na konfrontację przeciwko Iranowi. Iran obiecywał wkrótce ogłosić własne propozycje, żeby rozwiązać regionalne oraz międzynarodowe problemy dotyczące go, włącznie z programem nuklearnym. Po odparowaniu dotychczasowych ataków osi USA-Izrael i jej starań odizolowania go, obecnie Iran chce za pomocą dyplomacji, być nieodwracalnie uznany za odpowiedzialnego członka międzynarodowej społeczności, zwłaszcza po wygaśnięciu kadencji Bush’a.
W dniu 6go Maja, 2008, Iran czuł się na siłach ogłosić, że zawiesza inspekcje inspektorów ONZ do czasu, kiedy Izrael przystąpi do globalnego traktatu o nie-rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, według „The Wall Street Journal” z tejże daty. Ponieważ gazeta ta jest dominowana przez neokoserwatystów radykalnych syjonistów, więc na razie wstrzymała się od komentarzy.
Iran chciałby móc sprzedawać gaz ziemny do Unii Europejskiej po cenach konkurencyjnych, czego Moskwa nie chce. Rosja woli zbudować „Rurociąg Pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin, tak żeby produkcja paliwa z Iranu szła głównie na wschód. Inicjatywy Iranu i konfrontacja Iranu z osią USA-Izraela, powoduje Rosję i Chiny do ostrożności tak, że na razie sprawa przyjęcia Iranu do „wschodniego NATO” w postaci Organizacji Kooperacji w Szanghaju (SCO) jest odłożona na później. Jak wiemy oficjalnymi językami (SCO) są chiński i rosyjski a Iran ma pozycję aplikanta-obserwatora, który usilnie stara się o przyjęcie do tego „wschodniego NATO.”
Rosja nadal prowadzi przetargi w celu odwołania przez USA projektu wyrzutni „Tarczy” w Polsce, o cztery minuty lotu pocisku od Moskwy i ma nadzieję, że następca Bush’a odwoła projekt „Tarczy” i w ten sposób zmniejszy zagrożenie świata konfliktem nuklearnym. Dla Rosji, zbyt bliskie powiązania z Iranem, komplikują stosunki Rosji z USA, tak w sprawie Kosowa jak i w konflikcie na Bliskim Wschodzie. W dodatku odnawiają się napięcia między Rosją i Gruzją popieraną przez NATO przeciwko Rosji.
Prezydent Wladimir Putin zapewnił listownie prezydenta Ahmadinedżad’a o trwałości poparcia Iranu przez Rosję, niezależnie, kto jest przy władzy. Prezydent Ahmadinedżad odpowiedział, że „Iran i Rosja są dwoma dużymi i potężnymi państwami, których kooperacja służy interesom Iranu i Rosji, jak również regionalnemu i międzynarodowemu bezpieczeństwu” oraz mogą one „skutecznie służyć, w ustalaniu nowego modelu, stosunków międzynarodowych.” Właśnie wydano książkę geopolityka histryka Fareed’a Zakaria pod tytułem „The Post-American World” („Postamerykański Świat”).
W czasie, kiedy Iran podpisywał traktat przeciwko rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych, w treści tego traktatu było ustalone, że każde państwo ma prawo do budowania elektrowni nuklearnych, oraz wzbogacania uranu, pod kontrolą inspektorów z ONZ’tu. Obecnie pod presją neokonserwatywnego i pro-izraelskiego rządu Bush’a, pięciu permanentnych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa plus Niemcy, zmienili warunki traktatu i wymagają żeby Iran nie miał prawa wzbogacania uranu, jak to czynią inne państwa nie należące do „klubu arsenałów nuklearnych.” Naturalnie Iran uważa, że jest ofiarą dyskryminacji.
Brytyjski Minister Spraw Zagranicznych, Dawid Miliband powiedział, że propozycje udzielane Iranowi i ustępstwa mają na celu wtrzymanie programu wzbogacania uranu przez Iran i mają na celu udowodnienie Teheranowi, jakie korzyści mógłby mieć, dzięki kooperacji z „international community,” czyli państwami grupy „Iran Six,” która jednak traci na sile. Wcześniej minister Iranu, Manouczehr Mottami, powiedział Milibamd’owi „dobrze wiesz, jakie słowa są niedozwolone w Iranie.” Faktycznie grupa „Iran Six” starciła tupet.
W Moskwie, Igor Tomberg, z Instytutu Gospodaki Światowej i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, powiedział: „Iran dodał do swego kołczana strzałę energetyczną. Postęp Iranu na światowym rynku gazu ziemnego spowoduje zmiany w obecnej równowadze sił,” zwłaszcza, że Szwajcaria 17go marca popisała kontrakt z Iranem wartości 42 miliardów dolarów, na 25 lat. Uroczyste podpisanie formalnego kontraktu przez Szwajcarię i Iran miało miejsce w Teheranie.
Do tej pory podpisywano z Iranem tylko nie-wiążące memoranda, o wzajemnym porozumieniu. Iran ma dostarczyć Europie 5,5 miliardów metrów sześciennych gazu rocznie począwszy od 2010 roku, za pomocą obecnie budowanego rurociągu. Pani minister Micheline Calmy-Rey, w czasie uroczystej ceremonii w Teheranie powiedziała, że kontrakt ten jest bardzo ważny dla Szwajcarii, ponieważ zmniejsza uzależnienie Europy od dostaw z Rosji.
Reakcja osi USA-Izrael była szybka, według The Financial Limes of London tak, że Szwajcaria będzie prawdopodobnie skarcona i straci przedstawicielstwo interesów USA w Teheranie oraz w Hawanie. Tymczasem kontrakt Szwajcaria-Iran jest witany entuzjastycznie przez Włochy, jako bardzo ważny krok, w kierunku zapewnienia paliwa Europie. Szwajcarja nie skrępowana przez NATO i Unię Europejską, ma więcej swobody ruchów, było by morzeniem wielu Polakó gdyby Polska mogła być podobnie niezależna jak Szwajcaria,
Kontrakt Szwajcarii z Iranem spowodował przyspieszenie pertraktacji Chin z Iranem o kontrakt wartości 16 miliardów dolarów, w Północnym Regionie Pars oraz zakup skraplanego gazu ziemnego u wybrzeży Iranu na następne 25 lat, jak też kontrakt z Iranem na wiercenie szybów w regionie Jadawaran na dwa miliardy dolarów, „ponieważ interpretacja traktatu o nie rozpowszechnianiu broni nuklearnych nie powinna przeszkadzać we współpracy ekonomicznej.”
Indie wzmocniły poparcie dla „rurociągu pokoju” z Iranu przez Pakistan do Indii i Chin. Natomiast współpraca nuklearna Indii z USA popada w stan letargu. Iran ma wiele ofert z zachodu i ze wschodu, wśród których przoduje Gasprom i ma kontrakty na wielkie złoża w południowym Iranie, które reprezentują 60% zasobów Iranu i tym samym 10% znanych zasobów światowych.
Gasprom na kontrakty z Qatarem, trzecim na świecie najbogatszym państwem w gaz ziemny, tak że razem Rosja, Iran i Qatar mają 55% światowych rezerw gazu ziemnego i ich współpraca ma duże znaczenie w energetyce globalnej i dominują Forum Producentów Gazu. Tak, więc paliwo, regulowane umowami międzynarodowymi jest bardziej uzasadnione niż próby rabunku paliwa, pod przykrywką wojny przeciwko terrorowi.
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
Born Sept. 3, 1921
Lwów, Poland
in Dec 1939 left Warsaw. Dec 30, 1939 arrested by Ukrainians serving the Gestapo in Dukla, then transferred to Barwinek, Krosno, Jaslo, Tarnów, Oswiecim, arrived in Oranienburg-Sachsenhausen on Aug. 10, 1940.
April 19, 1945 started on the Death March of Brandenburg from Sachsenhausen; escaped gunfire of SS-guards and arrived to Schwerin and freedom on May 2, 1945.
September 1945 arrived in Brussels, Belgium; obtained admission as a regular student at the Catholic University: Institute Superieur de Commerce, St. Ignace in Antwerp.
in 1954 graduated in Civil Engineering at the top of his class. Was invited to join honorary societies: Tau Beta Pi (general engineering honorary society), Phi Kappa Phi (academic honorary society equivalent to Phi Beta Kappa), Pi Mu (mechanical engineering honorary society), and Chi Epsilon (civil engineering honorary society). Taught descriptive geometry at the University of Tennessee;
in 1955 graduated with M.S. degree in Industrial Engineering.
in 1955 started working for Shell Oil Company in New Orleans. After one year of managerial training was assigned to design of marine structures for drilling and production of petroleum.
in 1960 started working for Texaco Research and Development in Houston, Texas as a Project Engineer. Authored total of 50 American and foreign patents on marine structures for the petroleum industry;
wrote an article: The Rise and Fall of the Polish Commonwealth - A Quest for a Representative Government in Central and Eastern Europe in the 14th to 18th Centuries. Started to work on a Tabular History of Poland.
in 1972 moved to Blacksburg, Virginia. During the following years worked as Consulting Engineer for Texaco, also taught in Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as Adjunct Professor in the College of Civil Engineering teaching courses on marine structures of the petroleum industry. Designed and supervised the construction of a hill top home for his family, also bought 500 acre ranch (near Thomas Jefferson National Forest) where he restored 200 years old mill house on a mountain stream.
in 1978 prepared Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. The dictionary included a Tabular History of Poland, Polish Language, People, and Culture as well as Pogonowski's phonetic symbols for phonetic transcriptions in English and Polish at each dictionary entry; the phonetic explanations were illustrated with cross-sections of speech (organs used to pronounce the sounds unfamiliar to the users). It was the first dictionary with phonetic transcription at each Polish entry for use by English speakers
in 1981 prepared Practical Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1983 prepared Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Wrote an analysis of Michael Ch ci ski's Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism. Also selected crucial quotations from Norman Davies' God's Playground - A History of Poland on the subject of the Polish indigenous democratic process.
in 1985 prepared Polish-English Standard Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Also prepared a revised and expanded edition of the Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, also published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1987 prepared Poland: A Historical Atlas on Polish History and Prehistory including 200 maps and graphs as well as Chronology of Poland's Constitutional and Political Development, and the Evolution of Polish Identity - The Milestones. An introductory chapter was entitled Poland the Middle Ground. Aloysius A. Mazewski President of Polish-American Congress wrote an introduction. The Atlas was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. and later by Dorset Press of the Barnes and Noble Co. Inc. which sends some 30 million catalogues to American homes including color reproduction of book covers. Thus, many Americans were exposed to the cover of Pogonowski's Atlas showing the range of borders of Poland during the history - many found out for the firsttime that Poland was an important power in the past. Total of about 30,000 atlases were printed so far.
In 1988 the publication of Poland: A Historical Atlas resulted in a number of invitations extended by several Polonian organizations to Iwo Pogonowski to present Television Programs on Polish History. Pogonowski responded and produced over two year period 220 half-hour video programs in his studio at home (and at his own expense.) These programs formed a serial entitled: Poland, A History of One Thousand Years. Total of over 1000 broadcasts of these programs were transmitted by cable television in Chicago, Detroit-Hamtramck, Cleveland, and Blacksburg.
in 1990-1991 translated from the Russian the Catechism of a Revolutionary of 1869 in which crime has been treated as a normal part of the revolutionary program. Started preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation showing how the USSR became a prototype of modern totalitarian state, how this prototype was adapted in Germany by the Nazis.
in 1991 prepared Polish Phrasebook, Polish Conversations for Americans including picture code for gender and familiarity, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1991 prepared English Conversations for Poles with Concise Dictionary published by Hippocrene Books Inc. By then a total of over 100,000 Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionaries written by Pogonowski were sold in the United States and abroad.
in 1992 prepared a Dictionary of Polish, Latin, Hebrew, and Yiddish Terms used in Contacts between Poles and Jews. It was prepared for the history of Jews in Poland as well as 115 maps and graphs and 172 illustrations, paintings, drawings, and documents, etc. of Jewish life in Poland. This material was accompanied by proper annotations.
in 1993 prepared Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews as a Nation from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. in 3000 copies. Foreword was written by Richard Pipes, professor of history at Harvard University, and Pogonowski's school mate in the Keczmar school in Warsaw. Part I included: a Synopsis of 1000 Year History of Jews in Poland; the 1264 Statute of Jewish Liberties in Poland in Latin and English translation; Jewish Autonomy in Poland 1264-1795; German Annihilation of the Jews. In appendixes are documents and illustrations. An Atlas is in the Part III. It is divided as follows: Early Jewish Settlements 966-1264; The Crucial 500 Years, 1264-1795; Competition (between Poles and Jews) Under Foreign Rule, 1795-1918; The Last Blossoming of Jewish Culture in Poland, 1918-1939; German Genocide of the Jews, 1940-1944; Jewish Escape from Europe 1945-1947 - The End of European (Polish) Phase of Jewish History (when most of world's Jewry lived in Europe). Pogonowski began to write a new book starting with the Chronology of the Martyrdom of Polish Intelligentsia during World War II and the Stalinist Terror; the book in preparation was entitled Killing the Best and the Brightest.
in 1995 prepared Dictionary of Polish Business, Legal and Associated Terms for use with the new edition of the Practical Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary and later to be published as a separate book.
in 1996 Pogonowski's Poland: A Historical Atlas; was translated into Polish; some 130 of the original 200 maps printed in color; the Chronology of Poland was also translated into Polish. The Atlas was published by Wydawnictwo Suszczy ski I Baran in Kraków in 3000 copies; additional publications are expected. Prepared Polish-English, Eglish-Polish Compact Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.
in 1997 finished preparation of the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics including over 200,000 entries, in three volumes on total of 4000 pages; it is published by Hippocrene Books Inc; the Polish title is: Uniwesalny S ownik Polsko-Angielski. Besides years of work Pogonowski spent over $50,000 on computers, computer services, typing, and proof reading in order to make the 4000 page dictionary camera ready; assisted in the preparation of second edition of Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel published in fall of 1997. Prepared computer programs for English-Polish Dictionary to serve as a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary printed by the end of May 1997.
in 1998 Pogonowski organized preparation of CD ROM for the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary, Practical English-Polish Dictionary, Polish Phrasebook for Tourists and Travelers to Poland, all published earlier by Iwo C. Pogonowski. The Phrasebook includes 280 minutes of bilingual audio read by actors. Started preparation for a new edition of Poland: A Historical Atlas. New Appendices are being prepared on such subjects as: Polish contribution to Allied's wartime intelligence: the breaking of the Enigma Codes, Pune Munde rocket production; Poland's contribution to the international law since 1415; Poland's early development of rocket technology such as Polish Rocketry Handbook published in 1650 in which Poles introduced for the first time into the world's literature concepts of multiple warheads, multistage rockets, new controls in rocket flight, etc. Poland's Chronology is being enlarged to reflect the mechanisms of subjugation of Polish people by the Soviet terror apparatus. Continued preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation, including the 1992 revelations from Soviet archives as well as the current research in Poland. Continued preparation of two-volume English Polish Dictionary, a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary published in 1997. Reviewed Upiorna Dekada by J. T. Gross.
in 1999 Pogonowski continued writing Poland - An Illustrated History and preparing for it 21 maps and diagrams and 89 illustrations.
in 2000 Pogonowski prepared, in a camera ready form, Poland - An Illustrated History; it was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. NY 2000 and recommended by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor under President Carter, as "An important contribution to the better understanding of Polish history, which demonstrates in a vivid fashion the historical vicissitudes of that major European nation."
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